independent Commonwealths, except so far as they have surrendered their powers by covenant to a Federal and National Government; and that in the matter of slavery, they are totally independent of the General Government and of each other, so far as the right of legislation over it, and the treatment of it, are concerned. But American Abolitionism, as it now exists in an organised and active form, is entirely without the limits and jurisdiction of the slave-holding States, and has taken up the position and commenced the action of descent on those States, in all the forms and ways by which they can gain admittance. It has no sort of title, civil or political, for action and influence there on this subject, any more than on the remotest nation of the earth. American Abolitionism, therefore, is strictly and purely a crusade; and it is just as sure to meet with obstacles which nothing can subdue but the sword, and to expend blood and treasure for nothing-and for that which is not a little worse than nothing-as that such were the facts in the history of the European crusade against the infidels of the Holy Land.

CHAPTER IX.

THE EFFECT OF THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT IN

AMERICA.

In the first place, it has arrested the improvements which were in progress in the Slave States, for the amelioration of the condition of the slave; it has broken up、 the system of intellectual and moral culture that was extensively in operation for the slave's benefit, lest the increase of his knowledge should lend him a dangerous power, in connexion with these crusading efforts; it has riveted the chains of slavery with a greatly increased power, and enforced a more rigorous discipline; it has excluded for the time being, the happy moral influence which was previously operating on the South from the North, and from the rest of the world, by the lights of comparison, by the interchange of a friendly intercourse, and by a friendly discussion of the great subject, all tending to the bettering of the slave's condition, and, as was supposed, to his ultimate emancipation. Before this agitation commenced, this subject, in all its aspects and bearings, might be discussed as freely at the South as any

where; but now, not a word can be said. It has kindled a sleepless jealousy in the South towards the North, and made the slave-holders feel as if all the rest of the world were their enemies, and that they must depend upon themselves for the maintenance of their political rights. We say, rights, because they regard them as such; and so long as they do so, it is all the same in their feelings, whether the rest of the world acknowledge them, or not. And they are, in fact, political rights, guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United States.

This agitation has, moreover, resulted, to a great extent, in making the South thoroughly pro-slavery in principle as well as in practice. Before, they wavered and said, "It is our doom; we cannot help it, though we feel it is not right. Point us to a remedy, and we will go for it." But now, they have opened their eyes to their condition; they see themselves planted in the midst of slavery, and can discern no relief. They know the slaves cannot be set free at once-and of this question they are doubtless, at least, probably, the best judges—and a voluntary system of gradual emancipation, without any provision or prospect of indemnification to the master for his sacrifice of such property, would be the giving up of his means of subsistence for himself and family. Of course, it is not to be expected, that he will, of himself, come to the conclusion, that it is as fair for him to be poor, as for his servant to be a slave. Some decision, therefore, in such cir

cumstances, it has been necessary for the people of the South to come to, that they might make a stand, and notify the world of their determination. And generally, they seem to have resolved on the proslavery system, absolute, unconditional, and for ever. They aver, that God has ordained it; that it is proper and right; and they have sworn by heaven and their own swords, to maintain it. Such is the temper to which the Abolition crusade of the North has driven the people of the South.

It may be said, indeed, that this is madness, and that it is the desperation of the last struggle. It may be so; and, if Abolition can be carried by force, with sword in hand, it may prove so. Otherwise, all prospects of emancipation for American slavery, are at present blighted, and the period for the attainment of that end stands suspended just so far as may be necessary, first, for this crusade to be suppressed; next, for the exasperation of the South to be appeased; and lastly, for the South to get possessed of such reasons and motives, as may induce it to set about the work of emancipation of its own accord. To be forced into it, they never can and never will, till the sword has drunk their blood, and the iron heel of the victors has trampled their carcasses on the plain. We speak of man as he is, and as he has always been found in given circumstances, setting aside all questions of what he ought to be.

But there is no probability that Abolition in America will be forced-certainly not within the

range of any living man's vision. Europe will not enter on a crusade to America for this purpose. Who, then, what power shall effect it? Surely not the present organisation of American Abolitionism, however it might be disposed. We have shown the position in which it stands to the American public, and what is likely soon to be its own fate, in reward of its arrogance. American political society, as before shown, and as it stands related to slavery, cannot be shaken, to admit Abolition, without being shattered and broken.

And will a moral influence force it? That is at present entirely barred, by the measures it has adopted. The effect of American Abolitionism, therefore, in consideration of the recklessness and violence of its career, has been to interpose the most formidable obstacles and the strongest barriers to emancipation, without gaining an inch of ground.