here to the doctrine of non-resistance and passive submission to enemies, we purpose to speak and act boldly in the cause of God; to assail iniquity in high places and in low; to apply our principles to all existing civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical institutions; to be bold and uncompromising in bearing our testimony against sin.

"Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of these sentiments, however formidable may be the opposition arrayed against us, and in solemn testimony of our faith in their Divine origin, we hereby affix our signatures."

It will, perhaps, be asked, if such a Society as this, is likely to obtain and prevail in America? We answer, undoubtedly it is. It appears to be quite the thing for the time. Something new was required to satisfy the taste for extravagant opinions, which has been so largely gratified, and so long indulged; and we doubt not, this project was shrewdly devised with that aim. There is now a change for the women. It is the best hit of all. Here are the leaders of Temperance and Abolition-a part of them

certainly― shouting "Onward!" They say, "The triumphant progress of the cause of Temperance and Abolition in our land-encourages us to combine our means and efforts for the promotion of a still greater cause."

The Editor of one of the most prominent religious journals of America, the New York Observer, says, "We are informed by a gentleman, whose employ

ment has naturally led him to a knowledge of the facts, that these notions have spread much more extensively, and taken a much stronger hold, than has been supposed."

In reference to the event of the formation of this Society, a Boston Editor remarks; "The tendency of the leaders of the moral and benevolent reforms of the day, to run into fanaticism, threatens to destroy the really beneficial effects of all associations for these objects. The spirit of propagandism, when it becomes over-zealous, is next of kin to the spirit of persecution. . . . . The Benevolent associations of the day are on the brink of a danger that will be fatal to their further usefulness, if not checked. The desire to do good is degenerating among these Societies, into a rivalry for superiority in advancing new and extraordinary positions, and forming novel and startling combinations. Extravagant ultraism is mistaken for moral courage; and in the midst of lamentations at the total depravity of man, a class of purists are insisting upon transcendentalism as the basis of society and government. They seem too eager to wait for the gradual, healthful progress of improvement, and are rushing into extremes, in which the most impracticable theories are most vehemently urged.

"Look at the recent meetings of Benevolent Societies held in this City. Look at men of most estimable character and great excellence, once highly influential in benevolent and moral reforms, now al

most labouring under moral hallucination, or so distracted between the extremes of different theories that the community has lost all confidence in their judgments, and their once widely-extended usefulness is narrowed down to the little circle of the transcendental Society in which they move, and is fast excluding them from all other relations to their fellowmen. A certain mental optical illusion has come over them. The rays of moral light strike them only in one line. They look through a little orifice, and for the time see only the one object, however small, which is placed before their vision.

"The consequences are inevitable, and have long been developing themselves, until there is really danger of a revulsion, that will bury the good beneath the ruins of the whole system. Scarce any one of these Societies meets now, but a portion of its members are driven off into some impracticable theory. How much farther can this process, of boiling down these Societies into the quintessence of transcendentalism, go on, without the whole evaporating? These Societies are getting under the entire control of the intemperates.

Who will venture to identify himself with associations connected even with the noble cause of human liberty, when the first question presented, is not the rights of men, but the rights of women to become public declaimers, voters, magistrates, and officers, and to throw aside the apron and the needle for the cassock and the truncheon ?

"Who will avow himself of the sect of the peacemen, when, instead of peace, the first question mooted is resistance to all government and laws, under pretence that society is not made up of mutual concession, but that each member is to be, not only a law unto himself; but is to lay down the law for all others, or to cut them off as recusants, who deny the faith, if they falter in going the whole creed-the highest virtue of which consists in taking the greatest possible pains to get persecuted, robbed, imprisoned, hung, and murdered ?"

And is this Society likely to be a fighting Society after all? Undoubtedly. They are perfectly aware of the ground they stand upon, and that they cannot get persecuted that is, duly punished-till they make war upon society. Hence their declared " purpose to speak and act boldly, &c.; to assail iniquity, &c.; and to apply their principles to all existing institutions of society." This corps have been known as eminent fighting characters; and they are not likely to lay aside their habits. They have not only intimated how they mean to act, but foretold the consequence: "Tumults (mobs) may arise against us." They intend to provoke them; and very likely will succeed. Many, doubtless, will have great pleasure in seeing them pelted; and if, perchance, any of them should get their brains knocked out by a brickbat, it will be the consummation of their desires a glorious martyrdom.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL PARTY AND THE DEMOCRACY-DANIEL WEBSTER AND HENRY CLAY.

THE American Government, as originally constituted, was of a republican stamp, and designed, as we think, by its framers, to occupy a midway position between a constitutional monarchy, and a proper democracy. The plan of the government was based on the representative principle in all its parts; but the legislative, judicial, and executive functions were designed to be sufficiently removed from the source of their powers, to qualify them for the use of a discretion attempered by such wisdom and prudence, as might be hoped for in agencies so remote from popular passion, yet responsible to the popular will. But the democratic tendencies were too potent to allow this plan to continue in operation; and the administration of the government has for the most part been democratic under a republican form.

If this distinction between democracy and republicanism is not appreciated at a glance, we beg leave to refer to our definition of democracy in the first chapter, where it is attempted to be shown, how the de