CHAPTER XV.

THE JACKSON DYNASTY.

IT is thought, and not without reason, by the grave observers of the times, that a new era has come over the American republic, by the elevation of a democratic idol, in the person of a military chieftain, to the chief magistracy of the nation, whose administration, for the term of eight years, from 1829 to 1837, was characterized by a singular boldness and determination. We will briefly notice some of the more prominent features of that dynasty, which seems likely to be eventful in its consequences.

First, as to the character of the man. General Jackson is generally allowed to be a man of honest, straightforward purpose; of some experience in affairs of State, in the use of political stations awarded to him progressively by the public; of a talent well fitted for military service, as demonstrated in his campaigns against Indian tribes, and in civilized warfare— if the term civilized is applicable to such transactions ;-but a man of great independence and decision of character, and of a pertinacity of temper bordering on stubbornness, and verging to despotism, when he

is opposed. The rapid and effective movements of the Seminole campaigns, and the affairs of New Orleans against the invasion of the British army, are proof, on the one hand of his military tact, and soldierlike energy; while the hasty execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister in Florida, on his own responsibility, the arrest of a United States Judge, and the Cromwell-like process of ejecting the Legislature of Louisiana from their own halls, and closing the doors against them, are instances of great boldness, at least, if not of despotic authority. But as these transactions were connected with important events, beneficial to the State, they were overlooked, though severely criticized.

One of the first bold movements of Jackson's administration, and which apparently originated in his own bosom, was the adoption of the policy, and instituting measures, for the removal of all the Indian tribes to regions west of the Mississippi. There were strong reasons for and against this measure. One of the most formidable against it, was the existence of public and solemn treaties, between the Government of the United States and these Indian nations, recognised as such in the national Constitution, and by a long course of legislation and treatment in relation to them. The practical operation of this great measure demanded, that the rights secured by these treaties, so far as they were in the way, should lie in repose. The new arrangements have also been called treaties; but we think not with

much propriety, for it was a business of one party. The measure being resolved on, the formality of treaty was rather an insult to the Indians, as they must go, whether they would or not. It would have been far more honourable to the Government of the United States, if it had assumed, that the old arrangements, called treaties, had nothing of the validity usually attached to such instruments; and that the relation of the Government to the Indians was parental, investing only one party with authority and power, and imposing on the other submission and acquiescence.

The progress of these events brought before the National Judiciary the question of Indian rights, as guaranteed by these treaties; and in the case of Worcester versus the State of Georgia, obtained a decision in 1831, comprehending and covering the great principle of the measure of removal. This decision, if respected, was a bar to the policy. But things had gone so far, that they could not stop, and the authority of the Court was trampled under foot.

Such a record, proving insufficient in the hour of need, and compelled to sleep when challenged to action by the injured party, may well be regarded as destined to speak from heaven's chancery in the events of Providence; besides, that the result has determined a mortifying and ill-boding question, viz. that the authority of the highest tribunal of the nation may be contemned.

This is an event, and the first of the

kind that has occurred in the history of the American Republic.

After much political struggle and remonstrance, the people of the United States have sustained the measure, and the party in power has carried it into execution. In the mean time strong symptoms of disastrous result are being manifested, In the first place, the Florida Indian war, growing out of this affair, and already of some years' duration, has proved that small bands of Indians are capable of maintaining a struggle of indefinite continuance, even against the powers and resources of the United States, from the impenetrable morasses and wilds of so small and sea-girt a territory, as Florida. It follows, as a natural prognostic: How much more will the numerous and wild nations of the West, with the range of a Continent before them, excited by their brethren who have been banished from their homes and the graves of their fathers in the east, and goaded on by a deep sense of injury, be able to conspire and maintain an interminable warfare on the frontiers-a warfare that will check and throw back the tide of Western emigration for ages, perhaps for ever?

The most important political consequences of this forcible ejection of the Indians from their native fields to the West, which begin already to appear, were never foreseen. It was never dreamed, that these tribes could maintain successful war with the whites, till the late experiment in Florida. Whereas it

seems now to be well-nigh conceded-certainly it is extensively believed that even the Florida Indians cannot be subdued by force of arms. General Jessup, in charge of this business, has made a formal report to the War Department to the effect, that the scheme of subduing them is impracticable; inasmuch as they have physical advantages, against which the power of man cannot contend. Yet the districts of their resort are very limited, flanked on the north by the regions of civilization, and on all other sides walled by the sea; and their numbers are contemptible.

The Indian's natural home is the deep wilderness, where physical obstacles interpose insurmountable barriers to the progress of troops of civilized nations; and whence he can with impunity leap on his foe, and leap back again. The Western tribes, advised and sustained by their half-civilized brethren from the East, will soon learn, that they have nothing to do, but to retreat before the best-disciplined and bestprovided troops which the United States can send against them; and that Nature will do the rest. The banished Indians have received sufficient provocations for the culture of an everlasting enmity, and nothing is more natural to be expected. Besides, they carry with them no small share of the arts and learning of civilization. Their long vicinage to the whites has given them many hints, that may easily be apprópriated to their own advantage. They may not only conspire with the wilder nations of the West against the American Union, but they may tempt the negro