States, even to propose an amendment, which can be ratified only by the Legislatures, or by Conventions of three-fourths of all the States-a severe and circuitous ordeal, demanding the lapse of years for its consummation-a sufficient time, and a course of action and debate in the higher regions of society, sufficiently extended to bar the danger of precipitation, or the control of a hastily-formed popular will.

We think, therefore, that the distance is heavenwide between this rule and that which identifies the popular will for the time being with the Constitution; and that the wisdom of the framers of the Constitution, and of the States in ratifying it, appears in nothing more eminent than in this cautious and wellconsidered provision. In the other case, the Constitution is a mere nullity; because, in the first place, the popular will, intelligibly expressed, might at any time set it aside, and would, in fact, do so in the very act of expression. And next, the will of the National Legislature in a majority of voices, with the concurrence of the President, and the silent consent of the people, would have the same effect; and this would be a dynasty of opinion in verity, and against all law, constitutional and other.

But the great struggle in America, and that on which the fate of the Republic is suspended, is between the Constitution and the Democracy. The Constitution is the bulwark of the nation's safety; but the dynasty of opinion is perpetually assailing it;

and whether the Constitution will yet give way altogether, and totter, and fall to the ground, remains to be proved.

Moreover, this government of opinion, in distinction from the government of law, is necessarily feeble, in consideration of the fact, that a concurrence of accidents may contribute to form a prevailing popular sentiment to-day, which another train of accidents may sweep away to-morrow, and in place thereof establish an opposite opinion. We are aware, indeed, that one of the doctrines of the most thorough-going American democracy, is, that the people must always be right. Technically, in the sense which we suppose is intended, viz., the rightful supremacy of the majority, this may be true. But they may change from right to right too frequently to be comfortable or beneficial, when led away or acted upon by bad influences or unfortunate accidents. Nevertheless, in a government like that of America, there is no remedy, except in enlightening the people, and inculcating upon them the importance of adhering to fixed principles of government, when once established with good reason; and of avoiding frequent and great changes. Every government has its difficulties to contend with, and none, perhaps, more than that which is swayed by a dynasty of opinion. Such a power is a strong supporter of law, when law is agreeable to it;. but when law is disagreeable, it blinks at no barrier, and halts at no impediment. It is impatient

of control, and too frequently anticipates the authority of legislation.

It will be asked, then, with reason, What security has the world for the stability of the American Government and of its institutions? The honest answer to which is, None but the chances of such a state of things. And the contingencies, too, are greatly multiplied by considerations not yet brought under review. We pretend not to the endowments of prophecy. Our object is to present the picture fairly, and leave those who look upon it to their own conclusions.

It may, however, be remarked, that the prospects are not so dubious, nor so much on the dark side, as the first view of a state of society like that we have been reviewing in this chapter, might seem to indicate. The workings of American society constitute a problem, which cannot easily be solved by remote observers. The temper of the people and the constitutional fabric of the Government must be well considered; and whether, on the whole, the latter is competent to regulate the former in its restive and fitful mood, to recover it from its eccentric and wayward movements, and to subdue and bridle its occasional outbreaks.

Obviously, there are two capital conservative elements indispensable to the permanency of the American Government and its institutions, in this present form: education and religion, both of which are too much neglected by the Government. Edu

cation, indeed, has received some care and patronage; but by no means proportionate to the importance of the subject. And as for religion, it is left to take care of itself. Despotism," says De Tocqueville, "may govern without faith; but liberty cannot. Religion is much more necessary in a republic than in a monarchy-in democratic republics than in any others. How is it possible that society should escape destruction, if the moral tie be not strengthened in proportion as the political tie is relaxed? And what can be done with a people who are their own masters, if they be not submissive to the Deity?" Christian morality and piety, in connexion with the intelligence of the common people, are the last hope of the American Republic, and the only adequate means of bridling and holding in salutary check that rampant freedom, which is so characteristic of the American people.

CHAPTER IV.

COMPARATIVE VIEW OF AMERICAN RELIGIOUS SECTS.

IN classing American Christians by their theological affinities and general sympathies, it may be proper to rank the Congregationalists of New England with the Presbyterians of the south and west; at the same time it should be remembered, that some of the nicer shades of theology, and difference of ecclesiastical organization, have divided them into several parts. Until recently, however, they have had a tolerable fellowship, and have been accustomed to interchange relations on very amicable terms, a Congregationalist having been easily transformed into a Presbyterian, out of the bounds of New England; and, vice versa, the Presbyterian in New England could, with nearly equal facility, accommodate himself to Congregational modes— the difference between the two having been chiefly that of modes. The emigration from the East to the West and South resulted in introducing into the Presbyterian church Congregationalists in sufficient numbers to gain a nearly equal balance of influence. The Congregationalists answer to the Inde