The French government having so promptly complied with the wishes of the American government in recalling citizen Genet, requested as an act of reciprocity the recall of Gouverneur Morris, whose political sympathies were considered highly aristocratical. The request was granted accordingly, but Washington, in a letter to Morris notifying him of his being superseded, assured him of his own undiminished confidence and friendship.

James Monroe, who was appointed in his place, arrived at Paris in a moment of great reaction. Robespierre had terminated his bloody career on the scaffold and the reign of terror was at an end. The new minister from the United States was received in public by the convention.. The sentiments expressed by Monroe on delivering his credentials were

so completely in unison with the feelings of the moment that the president of the convention embraced him with emotion, and it was decreed that the American and French flags should be entwined and hung up in the hall of the convention, in sign of the union. and friendship of the two republics.

Chiming in with the popular impulse, Monroe presented the American flag to the convention, on the part of his country. It was received with enthusiasm, and a decree was passed that the national flag of France should be transmitted in return to the government of the United States.

Washington, in the meantime, was becoming painfully aware that censorious eyes at home were keeping a watch upon his administration, and censorious tongues and pens were

ready to cavil at every measure. "The affairs of this country cannot go wrong," writes he ironically to Gouverneur Morris; "there are so many watchful guardians of them, and such infallible guides, that no one is at a loss for a director at every turn."

This is almost the only instance of irony to be found in his usually plain, direct correspondence, and to us is mournfully suggestive of that soreness and weariness of heart with which he saw his conscientious policy misunderstood or misrepresented, and himself becoming an object of party hostility.

Within three weeks after the date of this letter, an insurrection broke out in the western part of Pennsylvania on account of the excise law. We have already mentioned the riotous opposition this law had experienced. Bills of indictment had been found against some of the rioters. The marshal, when on the way to serve the processes issued by the court, was fired upon by armed men, and narrowly escaped with his life. He was subsequently seized and compelled to renounce the exercise of his official duties. The house of General Nevil, inspector of the revenue, was assailed, but the assailants were repulsed. They assembled in greater numbers; the magistrates and militia officers shrank from interfering, lest it should provoke a general insurrection; a few regular soldiers were obtained from the garrison at Fort Pitt. There was a parley. The insurgents demanded that the inspector and his papers should be given up, and the soldiers march out of the house and ground their arms. The demand being refused, the house was attacked, the outhouses set on fire, and the garrison was compelled to surrender. The marshal and inspector finally escaped out of the country, descended the Ohio, and by a circuitous route found their way to the seat of government, bringing a lamentable tale of their misadventures.

Washington deprecated the result of these outrageous proceedings. "If the laws are to be so trampled upon with impunity," said he, "and a minority, a small one, too, is to dictate to the majority, there is an end put, at one stroke, to republican government."

It was intimated that the insurgent district could bring seven thousand men into the field. Delay would only swell the growing disaffection. On August 7th, Washington issued a proclamation warning the insurgents to disperse, and declaring that if tranquility were not restored before September 1st, force would be employed to compel submission to the laws.

The insurgents manifesting a disposition to persevere in their rebellious conduct, the president issued a second proclamation on September 25th, describing in forcible terms the perverse and obstinate spirit with which the lenient propositions of the government had been met, and declaring his fixed purpose to reduce the refractory to obedience. Shortly after this he left Philadelphia for Carlisle, to join the army, then on its march to suppress the insurrection in the western part of Pennsylvania.

On October 9th, Washington writes from Carlisle to the secretary of state: "The insurgents are alarmed, but not yet brought to their proper senses. Every means is devised by them and their friends and associates to induce a belief that there is no necessity for troops crossing the mountains, although we have information at the same time that part of the people there are obliged to embody themselves to repel the insults of another part."

On the tenth, the Pennsylvania troops set out from Carlisle for their rendezvous at Bedford, and Washington proceeded to Williamsport, thence to go on to Fort Cumberland, the rendezvous of the Virginia and Maryland troops. He arrived at the latter place on October 16th, and found a respectable force assembled from those states, and learned that fifteen hundred more from Virginia were at hand. All accounts agreed that the insurgents were greatly alarmed at the serious appearance of things.

At Bedford, he arranged matters and settled a plan of military operations. The governors of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania were at the head of the troops of their respective states, but Governor Lee was to have the general command. This done, Washington prepared to leave for Philadelphia, "But not," says he, indignantly, "because the impertinence of Mr. Bache, or his correspondent, has undertaken to pronounce that I cannot, constitutionally, command the army while Congress is in session."

In a letter to Governor Lee, on leaving him in command, he conveyed to the army the very high sense he entertained "of the enlightened and patriotic zeal for the Constitution and the laws which had led them cheerfully to quit their families, homes and the comforts of private life to undertake and thus far perform a long and fatiguing march and to encounter and endure the hardships and privations of a military life.”

"No citizen of the United States," observes he, "can ever be engaged in a service more important to their country. It is nothing less than to consolidate and to preserve the blessings of that Revolution which, at much expense of blood and treasure, constituted us a free and independent nation."

His parting admouition is "that every officer and soldier will constantly bear in mind that he comes to support the laws, and that it would be peculiarly unbecoming in him to be in any way the infractor of them; that the essential principles of a free government confine the province of the military when called forth on such occasions to. these two objects: First, to combat and subdue all who may be found in arms in opposition to the national will and authority; secondly, to aid and support the civil magistrates in bringing offenders to justice. The dispensation of this justice belongs to the civil magistrates; and let it ever be our pride and our glory to leave the sacred deposit there inviolate."

Washington pushed on for Philadelphia, through deep roads and a three days' rain, and arrived there about the last of October. Governor Lee marched with troops in two divisions, amounting to fifteen thousand men, into the western counties of Pennsylvania. This great military array extinguished at once the kindling elements of a civil war, “by making resistance desperate." At the approach of so overwhelming a force the insurgents laid down their arms and gave assurance of submission, and craved the clemency of the government. It was extended to them. It must have been a proud satisfaction to Washington to have put down, without an effusion of blood, an insurrection which at one time threatened such serious consequences.

The difficult and intricate questions pressing upon the attention of government left Washington little mood to enjoy the retirement of Mount Vernon, being constantly in doubt whether his presence in Philadelphia were not necessary. In his letters to Randolph, he requested to be kept continually advised on this head. "While I am in office I shall never suffer private convenience to interfere with what I conceive to be my official duty. I do not require more than a day's notice to repair to the seat of government.".

In his speech at the opening of the session of Congress in December, Washington presented a cheerful summary of the events of the year. "I trust I do not deceive myself," said he, "while I indulge the persuasion that I have never met you at any period when, more than at present, the situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual congratulation and for inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the Author of all good, for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we enjoy."

And first he announced that a treaty had been concluded provisionally, by General Wayne, with the Indians northwest of the Ohio, by which the termination of the long, expensive and distressing war with those tribes was placed at the option of the United States. "In the adjustment of the terms," said he, "the satisfaction of the Indians was deemed an object worthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of the United States as the necessary basis of durable tranquility. This object, it is believed, has been fully attained. The articles agreed upon will immediately be laid before the Senate for their consideration."

A letter from the emperor of Morocco, recognizing a treaty which had been made with his deceased father, insured the continuance of peace with that power. The terms of a treaty with the dey and regency of Algiers had been adjusted in a manner to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace in that quarter, and the liberation of a number of American citizens from a long and grievous captivity...

A speedy and satisfactory conclusion was anticipated of a negotiation with the court of Madrid, "which would lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship," said Washington, "we have uniformly and sincerely desired to cherish." Advert

After recommending several objects to the attention of both houses, he concludes by advising temperate discussion and mutual forbearance wherever there was a difference of opinion; advice sage and salutary on all occasions, but particularly called for by the excited temper of the times.

There was as usual a cordial answer from the Senate, but in the present House of Representatives, as in the last one, the opposition were in the majority. In the response reported by a committee, one clause expressing undiminished confidence in the chief. magistrate was demurred to; some members affirmed that with them it had been considerably diminished by a late transaction. After a warm altercation, to avoid a direct vote, the response was recommitted, and the clause objected to modified. The following is the form adopted: "In contemplating that spectacle of national happiness that our country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your character."

CHAPTER XXV.

WASHINGTON RETIRES FROM PUBLIC LIFE-AGAIN AT MOUNT VERNON-FRENCH INDIGNITIES THREATENED WAR WITH FRANCE-WASHINGTON IS AGAIN APPOINTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF-HIS SICKNESS AND DEATH-THE FUNERAL.

“HE period for the presidential election was drawing near, and great anxiety began to

agreed, bad greater claim to the enjoyment of retirement, in consideration of public services rendered, but it was thought the affairs of the country would be in a very precarious condition should he retire before the wars of Europe were brought to a close.

Washington, however, had made up his mind irrevocably on the subject, and resolved to announce, in a farewell address, his intention of retiring. Such an instrument, it will be recollected, had been prepared for him from his own notes by Mr. Madison, when lie had thought of retiring at the end of his first term. As he was no longer in confidential intimacy with Mr. Madison, he turned to Mr. Hamilton as his adviser and coadjutor, and appears to have consulted him on the subject early in the present year, for in a letter dated New York, May 10, 1796, Hamilton writes: "When last in Philadelphia, you mentioned to me your wish that I should redress a certain paper which you had prepared. As it is important that a thing of this kind should be done with great care and much at leisure, touched and retouched, I submit a wish that, as soon as you have given it the body you mean it to have, it may be sent to me."

The paper was accordingly sent on May 15th, in its rough state, altered in one part since Hamilton had seen it. "If you should think it best to throw the whole into a different form," "writes Washington, "let me request, notwithstanding that my draft may be returned to me (along with yours) with such amendments and corrections as to render it as perfect as the formation is susceptible of; curtailed if too verbose, and relieved of all tautology not necessary to enforce the ideas in the original or quoted part. My wish is that the whole may appear in a plain style, and be handed to the public in an honest, unaffected, simple garb."

We forbear to go into the vexed question concerning this address; how much of it is founded on Washington's original "notes and heads of topics;" how much was elaborated by Madison, and how much is due to Hamilton's recasting and revision. The whole came under the supervision of Washington; and the instrument, as submitted to the press, was in his handwriting, with many ultimate corrections and alterations. Washington had no pride of authorship; his object always was to effect the purpose in hand, and for that he occasionally invoked assistance, to insure a plain and clear exposition of his thoughts and intentions. The address certainly breathes his spirit throughout, is in perfect accordance with his words and actions, and "in an honest, unaffected, simple garb," embodies the system of policy on which he had acted throughout his administration. It was published in September in a Philadelphia paper called the Daily Advertiser. The publication of the address produced a great sensation. Several of the state legislatures ordered it to be put on their journals. "The president's declining to be again elected," writes the elder Wolcott, "constitutes a most important epoch in our national affairs. The country meets the event with reluctance, but they do not feel that they can make any claim for the further services of a man who has conducted their armies through