what ungovernable. I can govern men, he would say, but I cannot govern boys. Miss Nelly had grown up under the special eye of her grandmother, to whom she was devotedly attached, and who was particular in enforcing her observance of all her lessons, as well as instructing her in the arts of housekeeping. She was a great favorite with the general, whom, as we have before observed, she delighted with her gay whims and sprightly sallies, often overcoming his habitual gravity, and surprising him into a hearty laugh. She was now maturing into a lovely and attractive woman, and the attention she received began to awaken some solicitude in the general's mind. This is evinced in a half-sportive letter of advice written to her during a temporary absence from Mount Vernon, when she was about to make her first appearance at a ball at Georgetown. It is curious as a specimen of Washington's counsel in love matters. It would appear that Miss Nelly, to allay his solicitude, had already in her correspondence professed a perfect apathy toward the youth of the present day, and a determination never to give herself a moment's uneasiness on account of any of them." Washington doubted the firmness and constancy of her resolves. "Men and women," writes he, "feel the same inclination toward each other now that thay always have done, and which they will continue to do, until there is a new order of things; and you, as others have done, may find that the passions of your sex are easier raised than allayed. Do not, therefore, boast too soon nor too strongly of your insensibility. Love is said to be an involuntary passion, and it is, therefore, contended that it cannot be resisted. This is true in part only, for like all The sage counsels of Washington, and the susceptible feelings of Miss Nelly, were soon brought to the test by the residence of Lawrence Lewis at Mount Vernon. A strong attachment for her grew up on his part, or perhaps already existed, and was strengthened by daily intercourse. It was favorably viewed by his uncle. Whether it was fully reciprocated was uncertain. A formidable rival to Lewis appeared in the person of young Carroll, of Carrollton, who had just returned from Europe, adorned with the graces of foreign travel, and whose suit was countenanced by Mrs. Washington. These were aniong the poetic days of Mount Vernon, when its halls echoed to the tread of lovers. They were halcyon days with Miss Nelly, as she herself declared, in after years, to a lady from whom we have the story: "I was young and romantic then," said she, "and fond of wandering alone by moonlight in the woods of Mount Vernon. Grandmamma thought it wrong and unsafe, and scolded and coaxed me into a promise that I would not wander in the woods again unaccon ponied. But I was missing one evening, and was brought home from the interdicted wood o the drawing-room, where the general was walking up and down with his hands behind him, as was his wont. Grandmamma, seated in her great arm-chair, opened a severe reproof.” Poor Miss Nelly was reminded of her promise, and taxed with her delinquency. She knew that she had done wrong-admitted her fault, and essayed no excuse; but when there was a slight pause, moved to retire from the room. She was just shutting the door when she overheard the general attempting, in a low voice, to intercede in her behalf. "My dear," observed he, “I would say no more—perhaps she was not alone." His intercession stopped Miss Nelly in her retreat. She reopened the door and advanced up to the general with a firm step. "Sir," said she, "you brought me up to speak the truth, and when I told grandmamma I was alone, I hope you believed I was alone." The general made one of his most magnanimous bows. "My child," replied he, "I beg your pardon." We will anticipate dates and observe that the romantic episode of Miss Nelly Custis terminated to the general's satisfaction; she became the happy wife of Lawrence Lewis. Washington had been but a few months at Mount Vernon, when he received intelligence that his successor in office had issued a proclamation for a special session of Congress. He was not long in doubt as to its object. The French government had declared, on the recall of Mr. Monroe, that it would not receive any new minister plenipotentiary from the United States until that power should have redressed the grievances of which the republic had complained. When Mr. Monroe had his audience of leave, Mr. Barras, the president of the Directory, addressed him in terms complimentary to himself, but insulting to his own country. "The French republic hopes," said he, "that the successors of Columbus, of Raleigh and of Penn, ever proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to France. In their wisdom, they will weigh the magnanimous benevolence of the French people with the artful caresses of perfidious designers who meditate to draw them back to their ancient slavery. Assure, Mr. Minister, the good American people that, like them, we adore liberty; that they will always have our esteem, and that they will find in the French people the republican generosity which knows how to accord peace as it knows how to make its sovereignty respected. "As to you, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, you have fought for the principles, you have known the true interests of your country. Depart with our regrets. We give up in you a representative of America, and we retain the remembrance of the citizen whose personal qualities honor that title." A few days afterward, when Mr. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney presented himself as successor to Mr. Monroe, the Directory refused to receive him, and followed up the indignity by ordering him to leave the territories of the republic. Its next step was to declare applicable to American ships the rules in regard to neutrals contained in the treaty which Washington had signed with England. It was in view of these facts and of the captures of American vessels by French cruisers that President Adams had issued a proclamation to convene Congress on May 15th. Though personally retired from public life, Washington was too sincere a patriot to be indifferent to public affairs, and felt acutely the unfriendly acts of the French government, so repugnant to our rights and dignity. "The president's speech," writes he, “will, I conceive, draw forth, mediately or immediately, an expression of the public mind; and as it is the right of the people that this should be carried into effect, their sentiments ought to be unequivocally known, that the principles on which the government has acted, and which, from the president's speech, are likely to be continued, may either be changed or the opposition that is endeavoring to embarass every measure of the executive may meet effectual discountenance. Things cannot and ought not to remain any longer in their present disagreeable state. Nor should the idea that the government and the people have different views be suffered any longer to prevail at home or abroad; for it is not only injurious to us, but disgraceful, also, that a government constituted as ours is should be administered contrary to their interest, if the fact be so." In pursuance of the policy announced by Mr. Adams, three envoys extraordinary were appointed to the French republic; namely, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry; the two former Federalists, the latter a Democrat. The object of their mission, according to the president, was "to dissipate umbrages, remove prejudices, rectify errors, and adjust all differences by a treaty between the two powers." The three ministers met in Paris on October 4, 1797, but were approached by Talleyrand and his agents in a manner which demonstrated that the avenue to justice could only be opened up by gold. Their official report reveals the whole of this dishonorable intrigue. It states that Mr. Pinckney received a visit from Mr. Bellarni, the secret agent of Mr. Talleyrand, who assured him that Citizen Talleyrand had the highest esteem for America and the citizens of the United States, and was most anxious for their reconciliation with France. With that view, some of the most offensive passages in the speech of President Adams (in May, 1797) must be expunged and a douceur of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars put at the disposal of Mr. Talleyrand for the use of the Directory, and a large loan made by America to France. On October 20th, the same subject was resumed in the apartments of the plenipotentiary, and on this occasion, besides the secret agent, an intimate friend of Talleyrand was present. The expunging of the passages in the president's speech was again insisted on, and it was added that after that money was the principal object. "We must have money—a great deal of money!" were his words. At a third conference, October 21st, the sum was fixed at 32,000,000 francs ($6,400,000) as a loan secured on the Dutch contributions, and 250,000 dollars in the form of a douceur to the Directory. At a subsequent meeting, October 27th, the same secret agent said: "Gentlemen, you mistake the point; you say nothing of the money you are to give—you make no offer of money—on that point you are not explicit." "We are explicit enough," replied the American envoys. "We will not give you one farthing; and before coming here we should have thought such an offer as you now propose would have been regarded as a mortal insult." On this indignant reply, the wily agent intimated that if they would only pay by way of fees just as they would to a lawyer who should plead their cause, the sum required for the private use of the Directory, they might remain at Paris until they should receive further orders from America as to the loan required for government. Being inaccessible to any such disgraceful and degrading propositions, the envoys remained several months in Paris unaccredited, and finally returned at separate times without an official discussion of the object of their mission. During this residence of the envoys in Paris, . the Directory, believing the people of the United States would not sustain their government in a war against France, proceeded to enact a law subjecting to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter was of British fabric or produce, although the entire property might belong to neutrals. As the United States were at this time the great neutral carriers of the world, this iniquitous decree struck at a vital point in their maritime power. When this act and the degrading treatment of the American envoys became known, the spirit of the nation was aroused, and war with France seemed inevitable. The crisis was at once brought to Washington's own door. "You ought to be aware," writes Humilton to him, May 19, 1798, "that in the event of an open rupture with France, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country, and though all who are attached to you will, from attachment as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom I converse that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice." The government was resolved on vigorous measures. Congress, on May 28th, authorized Mr. Adams to enlist ten thousand men as a provisional army, to be called by him into actual service in case of hostilities. Adams was perplexed by the belligerent duties thus suddenly devolved upon him. How should he proceed in forming an army? Should he call on all the old generals who had figured in the Revolution, or appoint a young set? Military tactics were changed and a new kind of enemy was to be met. "If the French come here," said he, แ we will have to march with a quick-step and attack, for in that way only they are said to be vunerable." These and other questions he propounded to Washington by letter on June 22d. 66I must tax you sometimes for advice," writes he. "We must have your name if you will in any case permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many army." an And McHenry, the secretary of war, writes about. the same time: "You see how the storm thickens, and that our vessel will soon require its ancient pilot. Will you, may we flatter ourselves that in a crisis so awful and important you will accept the command of all our armies? I hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united." In a reply to the president's letter, Washington writes on July 4th: "At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these states by any European power, or even the probability of such an event happening in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me, that I had no conception that that or any other occurrence would arise in so short a period which could turn my eyes from the shade of Mount Vernon. In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it." uance. And in his reply of the same date to the secretary of war, he writes: "I see as you do that clouds are gathering and that a storm may ensue. and I find, too, from a variety of hints, that my quiet, under these circumstances, does not promise to be of long continAs my whole life has been dedicated to my country in one shape or another, for the poor remains of it, it is not an object to contend for ease and quiet when all that is valuable is at stake, further than to be satisfied that the sacrifice I should make of these is acceptable and desired by my country." Before these letters were dispatched he had already been nominated to the Senate (July 3d) commander-in-chief of all the armies raised or to be raised. His nomination was unanimously confirmed on the following day, and it was determined that the secretary of war should be the bearer of the commission to Mount Vernon, accompanied by a letter from the president. "The reasons and motives," writes Mr. Adams in his instructions to the secretary, "which prevailed with me to venture upon such a step as the nomination of this great and illustrious character, whose voluntary resignation alone occasioned my introduction to the office I now hold, were too numerous to be detailed in this letter, and are too obvious and important to escape the observation of any part of America or Europe. But as it is a movement of great delicacy, it will require all your address to communicate the subject in a manner that shall be unoffensive to his feelings and consistent with all the respect that is due from me to him. "If the general should decline the appointment, all the world will be silent and respectfully assent. If he should accept it, all the world, except the enemies of this country, will rejoice." |