kind of stone fort to hold the monsters—a fort which, in case of trouble, might be useful to the sinall Spanish force. Hakluyt notes this as "a witty policie to be used by the English in like cases." Here they remained six days, visiting all the pueblos, and becoming so firmly convinced of the natives' friendship that the leader left in the province five of his men to return to Zuñi with the luggage.

With four of his soldiers and some Moqui guides, Espejo set out to find rich mines reported in the west; and after a journey of 45 leagues over a mountainous country he found the mines, and with his own hands obtained rich samples of silver ore. On the streams he found large quantities of wild grapes, walnut-trees, flax, magueyes, and Indian figs. Several settlements of mountain tribes were visited, where the people raised maize and were uniformly friendly. These natives also told of a great river beyond the mountains clearly the Colorado; and drew liberally on their imagination for the additional information that the river was eight leagues wide, with great towns on its banks, in comparison with which towns all the other provinces were nothing. The river flowed into the north sea, and the natives used canoes to cross it. From the mines the explorers returned by a more direct route of 60 leagues to Zuñi. It will be remembered that Coronado had reached the Colorado by a westerly or north-westwardly course from Moqui; and it is probable that Espejo's route was rather to the south-west, as he only heard of the great river beyond the mountains. Taking his distances of 45 leagues from Moqui and 60 leagues from Zuñi, we might locate his mine in the region of Bill Williams Mountain 40 or 50 miles north of Prescott. The record hardly justifies any more definite location.21

21 The Hakluyt version speaks more definitely of 'dos rios razonables,' on the banks of which was found flax, etc. One of these streams was doubtless the Colorado Chiquito, sometimes called Rio de Lino from the flax. Davis on his map locates the mines in about lat. 30°, long. 112o, or considerably farther north than the site I have indicated; but between the two I venture no positive opinion, the data being too meagre. The origin of Davis' name Tubirans, applied to the western tribes, I do not know.

AMONG THE QUIRES AND TANOS.

89

Back at Zuni Espejo found not only the five men he had left at Moqui, but Padre Beltran and his companions, who had not yet started on their return, but soon did so, by the same route, perhaps, that they had come, or more likely crossing directly from Acoma south-eastward to the Rio Grande, and thence down the river.22 The commander with his eight remaining companions, with a view of making further explorations up the Rio del Norte, marched in ten days, or about 60 leagues, to the Quires province,23 and thence eastward in two days, or 12 leagues, to the province of the Ubates, or Hubates, with some 20,000 people in five pueblos. From this province, having spent two days in visiting some mines, they went in one day to the province of Tamos with its three large pueblos and 40,000 inhabitants. One of these pueblos was Cicuique, that is, Pecos, situated half a league from the Rio de las Vacas. I think it most likely that Espejo on quitting the Quires went up the river as he had intended—north-east instead of east, as his relation has it—and that the Ubates were the Tehua pueblos north of Santa Fé. The name Tamos, or Tanos, as applied to pueblos in the Galisteo region, was well known in later years; and Pecos is clearly indicated by Espejo as one of the three towns, though we are left in doubt as to the other two, as we were before respecting the province of Maguas between this group and the Tiguas.24

22 In the statement of Escalante and Barrundo in N. Mex. Testim., 148-9, made before Espejo's return, but at a date not given, allusion is made to the return of Beltran, leaving E. in the north. B.'s report, if he made any, I have not found. The returning party at first consisted of Miguel Sanchez and his two sons, Greg. Hernandez, Cris. Sanchez, and Frias, or 6 in all, leaving Espejo 9 for the Moqui trip; later, on E.'s return, the alférez Gregorio Hernandez, or Fernandez, is said to have joined Beltran's party, leaving E. 8 men. There is some confusion in these names and numbers.

23 Not towards' the Quires, as in the Hakluyt version.

24 Bandelier, Hist. Introd., 116, thinks there can be no doubt that Pecos was one of the Ubates towns; but he seems not to have noticed Espejo's direct statement, or the name Cicuique, not occurring in the Hakluyt version. In the N. Mex. Ytinerario, 258, it is positively stated that Pecos was identical with Espejo's Tamos. There can be no foundation for Davis' identification of Tampa and Taos on his map.

The Tanos, unlike the other nations visited, were not friendly to the Spaniards, refusing admission to their towns and furnishing no food. It was therefore deemed unwise to remain longer in the country with so small a company, some of the soldiers being also ill. It was now July 1583. A Pecos Indian was employed to show a shorter route for departure than that by which they had entered the country. In half a league they reached the Rio de las Vacas, or Cow River, later known as the Pecos; and down this river, seeing many buffaloes in the first part of the journey, they travelled 120 leagues, eastward as the narrative has it but Espejo's directions are often inaccurate—until they found three natives of the Jumana nation, who directed them across to the Rio Concho in 12 days, or some 40 leagues. Thence Espejo went to San Bartolomé, where he arrived on the 20th of September, and where he dated his report at the end of October. Padre Beltran and his party had arrived long before, and had gone to Durango. A map accompanied Espejo's report, but is not known. to be extant.

Thus Espejo, a private citizen, accompanied by only a friar and fourteen soldiers, peacefully wandering from province to province, had accomplished substantially as great results as Bad Coronado with his grand army, his winter's warfare on the Rio Grande, and his barbarous oppression of the unoffending natives. Espejo visited 74 pueblos, the population of which, exclusive of the Tiguas, he estimated at 253,000 souls, doubtless a gross exaggeration. It is evident also that he overrated, from motives that will presently appear, the general resources and advantages of the country as a field for Spanish enterprise. Yet there is no reason to question the truthfulness of his narrative, nor is there much difficulty in satisfactorily tracing his route or identifying most of the pueblo groups visited. The expeditions of Rodriguez and Espejo must be regarded as most remarkable ones,

THE NAME NEW MEXICO.

91

modestly and accurately recorded, and in their practical results vastly more important than the earlier efforts which gave such fame to Niza and Coronado.

At the end of the last chapter I have shown how the name Nuevo Mexico—in the early times as often Nueva Mexico, in the feminine—had been in a sense invented and held in readiness for future grand discoveries. The application of the name to the country that was to bear it permanently has been attributed by good authorities, early and modern, both to Rodriguez and to Espejo, though the former really called it San Felipe and the latter Nueva Andalucía. The truth would seem to be, that the name was applied in Mexico, under circumstances not fully recorded, after Chamuscado's return, and during Espejo's absence. Its first occurrence, as far as I know, is in Rio de Losa's essay written about this time. San Felipe de Nuevo Mexico appears occasionally in early documents. It was obviously natural that such a name should have suggested itself as appropriate for any newly discovered province whose people and buildings resembled in a general way that is, in comparison with the wild tribes and their hats-those of the valley of Mexico.2

25

25 Espejo, Rel., 101, 164; N. Mex. Testimonio, 83, 90, 137, 142; M. Mex., Memorial, 204. Name applied by the early Span. to all their possessions along the N. w. coast (!), but later referred to the intendency on the Rio Grande. Cutts' Conq. Cal., 28; name prob. derived from the resemblance of its inhab. to those of the city of Mex. and its environs. Gregg's Com. of the Prairies, i. 116. Because of the great number of inhab. Arlegui, 229. At first called Nueva Granada (I). Barreiro, Ojeada, 7; Davis' El Gringo, 74. Bartlett, Peru. Narr., i. 184, incorrectly says there was a mission at El Paso before 1600. Davis, El Gringo, 79-1, speaks of a P. Marcos de Niza, not the original, but perhaps his son (!), who penetrated to Zuñi before 1598. Hosta, native governor of Jemes, related to Simpson, Journal, 22, the tradition of a priest who mysteriously appeared before the conquest. His custom of taking anything he wanted at last enraged the Ind., who planned to kill him; but he disappeared as mysteriously as he had come.

CHAPTER V.

FRUITLESS PROJECTS—CASTANO AND HUMANA.

1583-1596.

VIEWS OF RIO DE LOSA-ROYAL CÉDULA-REPORTS OF BELTRAN AND EsPEJO ATTRACTIONS IN THE NORTH-FOREIGN ENCROACHMENTS-PROJECT OF CRISTÓBAL MARTIN-THE EMPRESARIO'S DEMANDS-PROPOSED CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT BY ANTONIO ESPEJO-FRANCISCO DIAZ DE VARGAS WILLING TO SERVE THE KING AS CONQUEROR-NO RESULTS—THE VICEROY'S CONTRACT WITH JUAN BAUTISTA DE LOMAS-FRANCISCO DE URDIÑOLA GASPAR CASTAÑO DE SOSA AND HIS ILLEGAL ENTRADA-Ur THE RIO PECOS-A WINTER TOUR AMONG THE PUEBLOS-THIRTY-THREE TOWNS VISITED-THE LEADER'S RETURN IN CHAINS-CAPTAIN JUAN MORLETE-BONILLA AND HUMANA-FATE OF THE GOLD-SEEKERS

QUIVIRA.

IN

Ir was in November 1582, before anything was known in Mexico of Espejo's proposed expedition from Nueva Vizcaya, that Viceroy Coruña reported to the king the result of his investigation respecting the entrada and probable fate of Rodriguez and his companion friars. In this report he enclosed for the royal guidance a communication from Don Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, lieutenant captain-general of Nueva Galicia, who had been consulted as a man "de mucha experiencia en entradas," having served with Arellano in Florida and with Ibarra in Nueva Vizcaya. Don Rodrigo wrote on the supposition that the people of New Mexico were now hostile, and urged that a sufficient force should be sent to punish the murderers of the friars, and to inspire such respect for Spanish arins as would prevent future outrages and revolts. The number of soldiers should not be less than 300,

1 Nov. 1, '82, viceroy to king. N. Mex. Testim., 97-9.