submit to this, we, as Catholic lay people, must strenuously protest, and will resist to the utmost a precedent which may lead us into a position differing but little from that against which the Church rightly protested 300 years ago.

"Secondly, we protest against your Grace's attempt to fost upon the Church, as her rule of ceremonial, a penal Act of Parliament passed in days of regal autocracy, and intended to meet circumstances entirely different from those of to-day. And we are the more aggrieved, because we were led to suppose that your Grace had intended to investigate the question upon the principles of Catholic law and custom and liturgical science, and not upon the construction of the alleged law of the State."

In a long and dignified reply to this protest and to the speeches which were delivered on its presentation, Dr. Temple explained that it was left for the bishops to call upon the clergy of their respective dioceses to accept the opinion of the archbishops. No pressure would be exercised upon individual bishops, who, by their non-acceptance of the "opinion," would set the clergy free from obedience to that opinion. The situation was doubtless one full of difficulty and even of peril to the Church at large, and the archbishop's desire was to speak in favour of the widest comprehension, compatible with non-disruption or obvious surrender of the fruits of the Reformation.

CHAPTER II.

Meeting of Parliament-The Queen's Speech-The Address in the Lords and in the Commons-Lord E. Fitzmaurice's Amendment-Prolonged DebateVictory of the Government-York and Plymouth Elections-Lord Lansdowne's Proposals for Increasing the Army Discussed in both Houses-Lord Wemyss on the Militia Ballot-The Jameson Raid Reviewed-The Navy Estimates-The Army Estimates-Additions to the Standing Forces-Militia and Volunteers-Civil Service and Revenue Estimates-The Preliminary Budget Increased Taxation-The War Loan-The Supplementary Financial Statement-Youthful Offenders Bill-The Presidents' Proposals of PeaceThe War Office and the Conduct of the Campaign-The Eight Hours Bill Rejected-The Queen and Her Irish Soldiers-Her Visit to Ireland-The Government and the Pro-Boer Meetings-Army Contracts-The Irish Catholic University-Old Age Pensions-Agricultural Holdings Bill-British Interests in China-Public Reception of the News from South Africa-The Delagoa Bay Railway Award-National Liberal Federation at NottinghamAttempt to Shoot the Prince of Wales.

By bringing Parliament together a week earlier than usual (Jan. 30) ministers showed they were prepared to face the criticism of a divided Opposition without fear of the consequences. It was known that the whole South African policy of the Government was to be challenged, but not upon what lines, as it would be necessary to frame a resolution wide enough to enable Liberals of all shades to support it. The general scope was, however, settled at a meeting held at Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman's private house, where a sort of understanding

was arrived at between the adherents of Lord Rosebery and those more intimately identified with the titular leaders of the party. The line agreed upon between them was a resolution charging the Government with lack of foresight, and demanding who was responsible for the policy which led to the war, and for any political action which had since taken place to interfere with the plans of the military authorities.

The resolution passed at the "Unity" conference held in Dublin "to invite all Irish National members of all sections to take measures to reconstruct a united party on old lines," seemed to promise but little result. A meeting was in fact convened by Mr. Harrington, and was attended almost exclusively by the followers of Mr. Redmond and Mr. Healy, but nothing was done to provoke the Dillonites, and subsequently, at a meeting attended by sixty-five Nationalist members, Mr. J. Redmond, a Parnellite, was unanimously elected sessional chairman of the united party, with the common object of separating themselves from the Liberal party, and of returning to a more militant policy.

Although Parliament was not opened by the Queen in person, and the ceremony thereby shorn of its most characteristic features, the interest in the position of affairs was keenly manifested. The speech from the throne, which included a number of measures which the Government might wish to advertise but not to submit for discussion, was from its length suggestive of an approaching appeal to the electorate.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"The peace which had recently been broken in South Africa when last I addressed you has unhappily not been restored ; but otherwise my relations with other States are friendly.

"In resisting the invasion of my South African Colonies by the South African Republic and by the Orange Free State my people have responded with devotion and enthusiasm to the appeal which I have made to them; and the heroism of my soldiers in the field, and of my sailors and marines who were landed to co-operate with them, has not fallen short of the noblest traditions of our military history. I am deeply grieved that so many valuable lives should have fallen a sacrifice. But I have witnessed with pride and with the heartiest gratification the patriotic eagerness and spontaneous loyalty with which my subjects in all parts of my dominions have come forward to share in the common defence of their imperial interests. I am confident that I shall not look to them in vain when I exhort them to sustain and renew their exertions until they have brought this struggle for the maintenance of the empire and the assertion of its supremacy in South Africa to a victorious conclusion.

"A treaty has been concluded with the German Emperor for the adjustment of rights claimed by the two countries in

Samoa, Tonga, and other islands in the Pacific. To a portion of these stipulations the Government of the United States has also been a party.

"A bill will be introduced at an early date to give effect to the scheme of federation which has been adopted after the most careful consideration by five of my Australian colonies. I have watched with cordial satisfaction the gradual development of my greater colonies into self-governing communities. I feel confident that the establishment of the great federation of Australia will prove advantageous, not only to the colonies immediately concerned, but also to the empire at large.

"The brilliant courage and the soldier-like qualities of the colonial forces engaged in South Africa have already earned high admiration. Patriotic offers of assistance, which it was not possible to accept, have come from many other colonies with populations of various races.

"I have received from the ruling chiefs of native States in India numerous offers to place their troops and the resources of their States at my disposal for service in South Africa. These proofs of their loyalty to myself and of their devotion to the cause of my empire have afforded me much gratification.

"I regret that owing to insufficient rainfall in the autumn over a great part of Western and Central India the harvests and pasturage have failed to such an extent as to create a famine. Timely measures have been taken by my Government and by the rulers of the native States affected to relieve suffering and to prevent starvation.

"I regret to add that the epidemic of plague continues, and that, although its severity has not increased since last year, there is at present no prospect of its diminution.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"The estimates for the public service of the year will be laid before you. The provision for military expenditure must be largely increased on account of the charge for military operations in South Africa.

"The experience of a great war must necessarily afford lessons of the greatest importance to the military administrations of the country. You will not, I am convinced, shrink from any outlay that may be required to place our defensive preparations on a level with the responsibilities which the possession of so great an empire has laid upon us.

"At a time when several other nations are perfecting their naval preparations at the cost of increasing efforts and sacrifices, the solicitude with which you have provided for the efficiency of our Navy and of our coast defences will assuredly not be relaxed.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"The time is not propitious for any domestic reforms which involve a large expenditure.

"Proposals, however, will be made to you for several important changes which are not open to this objection. Amendments are required in the laws which govern limited liability companies and in those which relate to agricultural tenancies. Measures for amending the law of ecclesiastical assessments and in regard to education in Scotland and for the relief of tithe rentpayers in Ireland will also be laid before you. Your attention will also be invited to proposals for better enabling local authorities to aid secondary and technical education in England and Wales; for controlling the contracts of money-lenders; for the amendment of the factory law, of the law of lunacy, and of the Housing of the Working Classes Act.

"The labours of the commission appointed by me to inquire into the nature and causes of accidents to railway servants are now completed. A bill, framed with the object of lessening the number of such accidents, will be laid before you.

"It appears that service in South Africa may have the effect of disfranchising those who are taking part in it. You will be asked to sanction a measure by which this injustice will be prevented.

"I commend your deliberations in this anxious time to the blessing and guidance of Almighty God."

In the House of Lords, the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Shaftesbury having respectively moved and seconded the address, the Earl of Kimberley, on behalf of the Opposition, at once, after a reference to our relations with other nations, put the case against the Government in very plain terms. If the former were satisfactory it was in great measure due to Lord Salisbury's conduct of them; and he regretted that the Premier's influence for peace had not been paramount in the Cabinet, but should have been thwarted by Mr. Chamberlain's imprudent speeches during the recess. With regard to the war in South Africa, he desired to express the admiration universally felt for the gallantry of our forces, both imperial and colonial. He should entirely abstain from criticising the conduct of the generals in command, as such criticism would be unwise and misplaced, for he was sure they had done their utmost to discharge the arduous task imposed upon them. As to alleged defects in our military administration, while he thought there would have to be a revision of the present system, he did not think it opportune to go into particulars at that time. Meanwhile, it was highly desirable that we should be thoroughly prepared to meet every possible complication. The whole of the Militia ought to be embodied, and the Navy not only brought up to the highest state of efficiency, but kept ready to discharge any duty that might be laid upon it. Lord Kimberley went on to criticise Mr. Chamberlain's policy of "bluff." Ministers, indeed, had confessed themselves unaware of the state of military preparation at which the Boers had arrived, and yet it was impossible to believe that the Government, in Mr. Balfour's

words, knew no more than "the man in the street." He had, however, no wish to derive any party advantage from the mistakes of those in office; he desired nothing so much as to support them to the uttermost in bringing the war to a successful close.

The reply of the Marquess of Salisbury on behalf of the Government was not wholly satisfactory even to his followers, for although he parried Lord Kimberley's attacks skilfully, he avoided meeting the charges temperately brought against his policy in a serious vein. He sneeringly remarked that it was a Liberal Government which concluded the conventions with the Transvaal, and that under these we had no right to control the importation of warlike stores into that country. He asked further how on earth ministers were to know that the Transvaal Government were accumulating munitions of war? We had no right of search at Lorenzo Marques; we had a very limited Secret Service Fund compared with that of other States, and information cost money. Even so late as last June the Cabinet had no knowledge of the extent of the Boer armaments. Suspicion there was, but no proof that could be laid before Parliament. The fault for what had happened lay in the treaties of 1881 and 1884, under which a bitterly hostile population, installed in our midst, enjoyed every facility for the introduction of all the arms they pleased. As to the conduct of the war, he did not himself think the British Constitution, as at present worked, was a good fighting machine. Notably, the Treasury exercised a power of control over the other departments which was not for the public good. "By the exercise of the power of the purse it claimed a voice in all decisions of administrative authority and policy," and he thought "that much delay and very doubtful resolutions had been the result of the peculiar position which, through many generations, the Treasury had occupied." In saying that, he was not supporting the idiotic attacks which had been made on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had exercised his powers with the utmost consideration. In spite of our reverses we had every ground for believing that if we set heartily to work and exerted all the undoubted instruments of power we possessed we should bring the war to a satisfactory conclusion. But we must defer the pleasing task of quarrelling among ourselves till that result had been attained. The situation was "full of humiliation and not free from danger," but although he deprecated alarm, it was therefore with some regret that he saw that this great issue was about to be submitted to a party test in the House of Commons. It was too grave a matter to be dealt with in that way, and the only place where the mover of the censure would meet sympathy or arouse enthusiasm was Pretoria.

It was not surprising that as soon as the Prime Minister had finished Lord Rosebery should have risen to explain the difficulties which plain men found in giving the Administration