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The Ulster linen trade during 1900 was subject to serious fluctuations in its prosperity. The year opened well for that important industry, and for several months the conditions continued favourable. In the summer and autumn the trade relapsed into a depressed and unremunerative condition, but at the end of the year there were many signs of recovery. The great shipbuilding industry of Belfast had a signally prosperous year, the total gross tonnage turned out by the two local firms amounting to more than 120,000, as compared with 45,000 in 1899 and 53,000 in 1898. The progress of agricultural cooperation continued to exercise a most favourable influence on the butter trade in respect of the amount produced and sold. There was, however, a good deal of discussion among experts on the question whether the cattle trade had not suffered in connection with the creamery system.

FOREIGN AND COLONIAL HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE AND ITALY.

I. FRANCE.

It was recognised in advance that the year of the International Exhibition at Paris should be regarded as a political truce between all parties. This intention was not wholly realised, for it was scarcely possible that passions so sedulously excited should calm down in a few months. It was also only natural to suppose that more than one vigorous attempt would be made to deprive the Government of Republican defence of the privilege of presiding at the great universal kermesse. The numerous ceremonies, congresses and Pantagruelic banquets which were announced would necessarily attract people from all parts of the country, and would do much to facilitate propagandism by the extremists on both sides. Consequently political struggles were for a while keener than ever. Nevertheless, the year was destined to end far more peacefully than the earlier days of the session promised.

The High Court of Justice, after forty-seven sittings which were needed to unravel the plot against the safety of the State, delivered its verdict (Jan. 4), but it was scarcely to the liking of the friends of the Government. M. Paul Déroulède and M. André Buffet were condemned to ten years' banishment; M. Jules Guérin to ten years' imprisonment, while M. de LurSaluces, who had escaped, received in his absence a similar sentence to that on the two first named who were conveyed to the Belgian frontier, while the defender of the legendary Fort Chabrol was confined at Clairvaux. The senators were in a hurry to get away to their respective departments, in a third of which they had to face the risks of re-election. The Nationalist party determined to use all means in its power to punish the more active members of the High Court for their resolute attitude. Some of the measures employed, however, were not happily imagined. For instance, ridicule rather than respect was roused by the protest against the judgment of the High Court made by some of the jury of the assize court which had

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acquitted Déroulède in the previous year, because their finding was not treated with due consideration. As a matter of fact, the protest was absurd, for the procureur-général had carefully avoided any reference to the points dealt with in that trial.

On the meeting of the Chambers (Jan. 9) for the ordinary session, M. Henri Brisson was induced by doubtful friends to allow himself to be put forward as a candidate for the Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, but he only polled 221 votes against 308 given to the young academician, M. Paul Deschanel, and MM. Maurice Faure, Georges Cochery, Mesureur and Aynard were chosen as Vice-Presidents. The early days of the session were given up to a discussion of the estimates for Public Works, and to interpellations of which the most noteworthy was one by M. Victor Gay on the attitude of the Government during the strikes in the Loire district and round Belfort. Public interest, however, was rather attracted to the Palace of Justice, where the proceedings against the Assumptionist Fathers were going on, or to the departments where senatorial elections were being held.

The trial of the Assumptionists, which lasted over three days, resulted (Jan. 24) in an extremely mild condemnation. The worthy fathers were ordered to pay a fine of 16 francs and to dissolve the community, but the latter part of the sentence was not to be carried out, on the ground that the Government was about to bring in a bill dealing with religious Associations in general. As soon as the result of the trial was known, Cardinal Richard, Archbishop of Paris, paid a visit to the fathers, bestowed upon them his blessing, and urged them to pursue their way with simplicity and firmness. The President of the Council at once wrote to the archbishop to explain his visit, and thereupon a fresh question was introduced into the dispute. From all sides came letters to the persecuted fathers from bishops, canons, heads of communities, breathing the spirit of the Crusades, but with the only result of showing anew the urgent need of the safeguards so frequently insisted upon by the Republican party. Another consequence, chiefly affecting the South-west of France, was the light thrown by the trial on the so-called Pacte de Bordeaux, concluded in 1896 between the Catholics and Socialists to expel the Opportunists from their seats. This compact was put an end to, and a fresh understanding was come to at Bordeaux in view of the approaching elections.

The Nationalists anticipated great results from the senatorial elections (Jan. 28), which involved ninety seats in the ordinary series of outgoing members and seven others which had incidently become vacant. The League of the Patrie Française had, in the first instance, wished to designate the Opposition candidates in each district, but it was soon evident that between the neo-Republicans and the converted Radicals there was no real understanding. M. Cavaignac, ex-Minister of War, thought

that his advice was not accepted with due deference by MM. Jules Lemaître and François Coppée, and he insisted that these two poor men of letters who had gone astray in the maze of politics should throw over their quondam leader, the ex-procureur-général, M. Quesnay de Beaurepaire. Notwithstanding the efforts of the Nationalists the elections on the whole were a triumph for the Republican party, although the latter had to submit to the loss of M. Ranc in the department of the Seine and of M. Thevenet in that of the Rhone, but while General Mercier was elected in the Loire Inférieure, the Royalists who avowed their principles were everywhere defeated.

The elections, whilst strengthening the Government, stimulated and envenomed the attacks of the press. The provinces had clearly pronounced against a policy of conciliation à outrance. The Republicans had learnt that the so-called Nationalism was merely a recrudescence of Boulangism, and that the new shuffling of parties which the Dreyfus affair had started had resulted in a somewhat increased hostility to clericalism. The enemies of the Republic rallied round the threatened religious bodies, and found all sorts of pretexts for protesting against the Government Bill on Associations. Each party worked with a will in its efforts to stir public opinion. The Opposition press began a lively onslaught on the proposal to make a three years' course in government lycées or colleges a condition precedent to all candidates for Government employment, educational or administrative. The Minister of Public Instruction's circular to this effect was denounced as a tyrannical proposal, contrary to the rights of man, and an attack upon the freedom of fathers. A bill on this subject having been referred to the Education Committee of the Chamber was rejected by a small majority, but at the same time the president of the committee, M. Ribot, published his report in which he asserted the need of great changes in the organisation of secondary education. The University, of which these proposed changes affected the dignity as well as the interests, was greatly disturbed, and protests against them from Paris and the provincial schools were so general that the Ministry realised the danger of the situation. The Army, on the other hand, was gradually coming to the conclusion that the only aim of General de Galliffet's reforms was to break up the coteries which had regarded the general staff and the Ministerial offices as their special domain and hereditary privilege, and day by day those officers whose chief complaint was that the reforms were not sufficiently sweeping found their numbers increased by fresh adherents. The Finance Minister, at the same time, was busying himself with reforms of another order; he ordered a searching inquiry to be made into the actual financial position of the religious bodies in France, and took up the bills left on the shelf by his predecessors, relating to the taxes on successions and alcoholic drinking. The fact that these topics were to be dealt with seriously soon became known

throughout the country, and contributed not a little to the settling down of public opinion. At the same time the Pope, Leo XIII., more prudent than the bellicose bishops of the south, ordered the Assumptionist Fathers to give up the publication of their organ, La Croix, both in Paris and the provinces, and to devote themselves exclusively to works of charity. The ownership and the editing of this paper and its satellites nominally passed into lay hands, but it was difficult to recognise any change in their tone or ways.

On its reconstitution the Senate elected M. Fallières as its president, no competitor offering himself for the post, whilst the deputies spent the most of their time in proposing amendments, trivial and important, to the Estimates. Amongst the latter was one raised by M. Camille Pelletan on the Army votes, aimed at the persistent abuses of its costly administration. The Radical leader chiefly attacked the waste in the Engineers, Artillery and technical branches of the Army, and declaimed against the unnecessary number of captains. In comparison with the German Army the French had 8,200 officers of this grade, against 4,500 in the far larger Army of Germany. The result of this unbridled extravagance in the matter of officers was a complete upsetting of the regiments, so many men being withdrawn from their military duties to act under a variety of names or titles (ordonnances, brosseurs, plantons) as servants to officers, their wives, and even to act the part of nursemaids to their children. Moreover, the number of soldiers detached from regular service as clerks, accountants, pay sergeants and other administrative duties was very much greater than in any other European army. In conclusion, M. Pelletan moved (Feb. 15) the appointment of a parliamentary commission to inquire into the manner of keeping Army accounts, and at the same time he invited General de Galliffet to explain the meaning of his remark in the Chamber that his (M. Pelletan's) speech was calculated to give pleasure to the enemies of France. The President of the Chamber (M. Deschanel), however, intervened, asserting that no such words had been used, and that if the Minister of War, more accustomed to the battlefield than to the tribune, had allowed himself to make use of words intended to cast a doubt on the patriotic intentions of the Budget Committee." he would have been called to order. After a few words from M. Waldeck-Rousseau the Chamber voted, and the motion for an inquiry was negatived. A like fate befel a few days later a proposal by the Socialist deputy, M. Sembat, to suppress the post of military attaché at the various embassies abroad.

The Senate meanwhile had once more assumed the duties of a High Court of Justice to decide upon the case of M. Marcel Habert, the friend and lieutenant of M. Déroulède, who had given himself up to the authorities just before the beginning of the New Year. The most interesting point raised by the trial was

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