thing in the new blue-book seemed to him to consist in its evidence that there was now some agreement among the Powers as to a common line of action.

An interesting, although purely academic discussion was also raised (April 3) by Mr. Hedderwick (Wick Burghs), who moved a resolution affirming that it was desirable in the interests of the empire that the colonies should be admitted to some direct representation in the Imperial Parliament. Mr. Chamberlain, while cordially acknowledging the good intentions of the mover and seconder, endorsed Mr. Gladstone's theory of the impropriety of abstract resolutions, and had no difficulty in showing that for the House to commit itself to such a resolution would be premature and possibly mischievous. Mr. Chamberlain made an excellent point in his allusion to the "magnificent rally of the colonies to the cause of the empire." It was an injustice, he continued, to say that they had answered our call, because we made no call. They had voluntarily offered the assistance we had so gladly accepted, and great as that had been and valuable as it was, he believed that if in any stress or difficulty or crisis of our fate we did make a call on the colonies their efforts would be immensely greater even than those they were making on the present occasion. The main suggestion of his speech was that in the matter of imperial representation it would be wiser to follow the colonies than to appear to dictate or suggest. The motion was then withdrawn by its proposer.

If military matters, questions of national defence and of national finance had monopolised the attention of Parliament and tinged all its proceedings, a similar monotony prevailed elsewhere. Even the conflict between Church parties, which at one moment threatened to become acute and general, shrank into comparative insignificance and was left to a few zealous champions, on whose proceedings onlookers bestowed a lukewarm attention. The excitement consequent upon the relief of Ladysmith and the occupation of Pretoria was altogether out of proportion to their importance as military achievements, but the policy of the Government in accepting so largely the assistance of Volunteers of all classes had brought interest in the campaign into the family life of the nation, and few-whether high or low-could escape the contagion. The House of Peers, the House of Commons, the landed gentry, the moneyed class, the universities had sent men to the front as ordinary troopers or privates with the same alacrity that the factories, the shops and the fields had sent out their representatives. The personal influence of the Queen, and the tact with which she had called forth the deep-seated but generally silent loyalty of her subjects, had doubtless been a prominent cause of this national feeling; but there may have been also a latent desire to show to foreign nations that Great Britain was able and ready to maintain its rights when threatened, and its supremacy within the borders of its own colonial empire. That this feeling was fully realised

abroad might be traced in the eagerness of the German Emperor to obtain the sanction of his Parliament to create a powerful Navy, and in the lavish expenditure voted by the French Chambers in order to put the naval defences of the country into a more effective state, and to create a colonial Army. These efforts naturally attracted attention in this country, and in the feverish state of public opinion it was not difficult to find persons of apparently sound judgment convinced that an immediate descent upon the British coast was in contemplation as soon as the Paris Exhibition was closed. The frothy articles of French, Russian and German newspapers in some degree may have induced this belief, although there was nothing in the correct attitude of the Cabinets of Europe to justify it. If newspaper writers had but looked back a few years they would have learnt that in 1871 M. Thiers, after visiting the various courts of Europe in search of an ally for France, had appreciated the resources of Great Britain and its reserve of strength in India and her colonies. He had even ventured, by way of warning his fellow-countrymen, to prophesy "whenever England is in conflict with a foreign Power, Europe will see her colonies rally round and co-operate with her. Without the slightest expense to her they will equip their soldiers, their only ambition being to show their close union with her and to demonstrate that their strength and energy are at her disposal, just as her enormous resources are at theirs. I predict this in spite of your smile of incredulity, and although perhaps none of us will live to witness it." This prophecy, of which it would be hard to find a parallel among English publicists, was now being fulfilled to the letter, and continental politicians were driven to the conclusion that the strength of the British Empire was not to be measured by the resources of the United Kingdom.

After nine years' laborious investigations, the Swiss arbitrators chosen to decide upon the claims put forward by an American contractor and a British company against the Portuguese Government for a breach of agreement in the matter of the Delagoa Bay Railway, delivered their award. The facts of the case showed that the original concession was revoked by Portugal under pressure from President Kruger, who wanted the railway to be under his own and not under British control. He, therefore, induced the Portuguese Government to insist that the railway should be completed within an impossible time, and on their failure he seized the whole works. The award made condemned the Portuguese Government to pay to the claimants 612,500l., with 5 per cent. interest from 1889, making a total of 950,000. This was about one-half of the sum anticipated in this country and the United States; but it was a large sum for so impoverished a country as Portugal to provide. So great, however, was the jealousy of England and America that offers to provide the money were immediately made to Portugal from

both France and Germany. There was a feeling that the nonpayment of the award would have afforded Great Britain a reasonable pretext of occupying Delagoa Bay, through which the Transvaal had been receiving reinforcements and munitions of war without any real restraint, although the Portuguese Government protested that everything was done by their officials to prevent the introduction of volunteers and contraband articles. The temporary occupation of Delagoa Harbour and of Lorenzo Marques by the British would have materially altered the course of the campaign; but it was well known, although never publicly stated, that Lord Salisbury, having informally sounded the Powers on the subject, realised that such an attack would have provoked a declaration of war from more than one of them.

The general depression of the political barometer was shown in a striking way by the proceedings of the National Liberal Federation at its annual gathering (March 27) at Nottingham, where violent speeches by irresponsible politicians were made to show the gulf which divided them from the recognised leaders of the party; as the president, Dr. Spence Watson, observed, the division of the Liberal party was the more serious because it was difficult to change differences of conviction. A colourless resolution condemning the policy of the Government and calling for a durable settlement on a common understanding was not favourably received by the more vehement partisans of peace and the denouncers of the capitalists. The conference, which was largely attended by representatives from all parts of the country, was fairly divided as to the immediate responsibility for the appeal to arms, but the majority seemed to realise the impracticability of allowing the republics to retain their independence. The most interesting feature of the meeting, however, was the substitution, at the last moment, of Sir Edward Grey for Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman to deliver the presidential address. The views of the titular leader of the Liberal party on the war question were notoriously vague and indistinct, whilst the ex-Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs had consistently supported the policy of the present Government. He had, in fact, come to be looked upon as the most prominent of the Liberal Imperialists-Lord Rosebery not excepted. spoke firmly of the present and hopefully of the future. He said that he could see no alternative to the annexation of the Dutch Republics, and that the "imperial paramountcy must be changed into imperial control." Had such control existed before "that miserable raid " it would never have occurred. He believed, however, that local self-government might be granted sooner than was expected, for the Boers as yet did not know the British. When they did, as they soon would, for "wherever Lord Roberts passed as victor his object was to leave not only peace, but confidence behind him," they would be able to live with them in concord and co-operation. There was bitterness

He

now, but he did not believe that " success would find us either passionate or vindictive."

The Liberal Unionists by a coincidence were also taking stock of the present, and expressing their aspirations as to the future. At its annual council meeting, the Hon. Arthur Elliot, M.P., expressed the hope that the day was rapidly approaching when we should see the end of the mutual slaughter of brave men in South Africa. The Dutch and English had to live together as fellow-citizens, and therefore, when peace came, every man who said anything to foment racial antagonism would be acting in a way detrimental to the interests of the whole empire. We had to draw out of this war a great success and a great triumph for the empire, but never had a heavier task been imposed on our statesmen.

The only other extra-parliamentary speech requiring notice was that delivered by Lord Rosebery (April 4) at the meeting of the Edinburgh Unity of the Empire Association, upon which occasion he paid a tribute to the memory of Mr. W. E. Forster, the founder of the Imperial Federation League, and recalled the action of Mr. Dalley, the New South Wales Premier, who in 1884-5 despatched a contingent of colonial troops to take part in the Soudan war. Lord Rosebery cordially endorsed Mr. Chamberlain's view, as expressed in his speech on Mr. Hedderwick's resolution, that it was inexpedient for the mother country to impose any scheme of organisation upon the empire, absolute freedom being left to each constituent part to testify its adherence in its own way and degree.

The Queen's decision not to go abroad was in a way justified by the attempt made to shoot the Prince of Wales when passing through Brussels (April 4). A lad named Sipido, of respectable parentage and earning his own living, had joined a political club, in which violent anti-British sentiments seem to the taste of its members. It was, of course, suggested that this feeling was the result of the press utterances controlled by Dr. Leyds, the Transvaal agent, but there was no evidence to show the connection. Sipido, at any rate, conceived that he had a mission to kill the Prince of Wales, because he was "an accomplice of Chamberlain in killing the Boers." With this view he purchased a pistol, obtained a pass to the railway platform from which the Prince's train would start, and as the train was leaving the station jumped on to the footboard and fired four times, the revolver twice missing fire, but two bullets passed very near the Prince, who, however, remained unmoved, and after shouting to the crowd, who had promptly seized Sipido, to do him no harm, he continued his journey to Copenhagen. The carelessness of the Belgian police was not a matter of surprise, but the conventional and perfunctory apologies which appeared in the continental press showed there was some foundation for Professor Mommsen's assertion that out of England there was not a single voice raised in defence of the South African war.

CHAPTER III.

Troubles in West Africa-The Spion Kop Despatches-Speeches of the Recess― The Australian Commonwealth Bill-The Uganda Railway Debate-The Spion Kop Despatches-Lord Salisbury at the Albert Hall - Foreign Opinion of England-Rifle Clubs-Mr Chamberlain at Birmingham-Lord Salisbury and the Temperance Question-Housing of the Working ClassesAustralian Commonwealth Bill-The Appeal Clause-Marriage with Deceased Wife's Sister Vote-War Office Proposals Discussed by the Lords-The Charity Commissioners and the Birmingham Schools Bill-Relief of MafekingReception of the News-Bye-Elections-Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour. THE pause in the advance of the British troops in South Africa which followed upon the relief of Kimberley and Ladysmith revived the feeling that the War Office had failed again in anticipating the requirements of the campaign, or that the resources of the department in supplies and remounts had been exhausted. But if the Intelligence Department of the War Office was at fault with regard to the Boers' power of resistance, an even greater recklessness and ignorance had been displayed in other departments. At the Colonial Office, where, at least since the dispute. with France over the Niger Territory, it might have been supposed that West African affairs had been studied with intelligent interest, a feeling of strong resentment against British rule had been excited by an attempt on the part of the Governor of the Gold Coast to obtain possession of the gold stool of royalty, a sort of fetish in the eyes of the Coomassi and Ashanti tribes. On the occupation of their capital the stool had been carried away, and all efforts to discover it had remained fruitless. So long, however, as it remained concealed its danger as a rallying standard to the disaffected tribes was but small. Acting upon information, and presumably upon instructions from the Colonial Office, the governor attempted to obtain possession of the stool, and a small body of men was despatched to seize it. The tribal or national feeling was aroused, and resistance ensued. The detachment of troops was beaten back, and the whole country roused against the British Government.

On the other side of Africa an instance of similar ignorance or carelessness on the part of the Foreign Office was brought to light by the admissions forced from its apologists in the matter of the Uganda Railway, for which a vote for 3,000,000l. had been obtained. This sum had been promptly squandered, and the line was not even half completed. The Foreign Office, instead of obtaining expert opinion, had relied upon the reports of their own employees, many of whom seemed to have been satisfied with hearsay evidence as to the country to be traversed and its requirements. Full warning had been given to the Foreign Office of the difficulties in the way, but no attention was paid to outside advice and opinion, and the result was that a confession of lamentable blundering and costly obstinacy by irresponsible subordinates had subsequently to be extracted from the responsible heads of the department.

G