*

capitalist may protect himself in hoarding, but the wage earner-the first to be injured * * and the last to receive a benefit of its correction, is practically defenseless. He relies for work upon the ventures of confident and contented capital. This failing him, his condition is without alleviation, for he can neither prey on the misfortune of others, nor hoard his labor. He then, quotes from a statesman fifty years ago who said "The very man of all others, who has the deepest interest in a sound currency, and who suffers most by mischievous legislation in money matters, is the man who earns his daily bread by his daily toil."

He repeats an earlier recommendation that, "The absolute divorcement of the government from the business of banking is the ideal relationship of the government to the circulation of the currency of the country," but he says, "this condition cannot be immediately reached."

With these examples from his messages, in view of limited space we must be content.

The foregoing are principles by eminent Democratic statesmen and Presidents, and almost universally quoted as "sound Democratic doctrines."

Our attention will now be directed to the principles as settled by their National Conventions, which are of course considered as binding upon members of the party, until superseded or changed by the same authority.

CHAPTER V.

CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS PLATFORM OF A. D. 1800.

In setting forth the platforms of the Democratic party, we take first that of the Republican Members of Congress, at Washington, in January, A. D. 1800, as opposed to the Federlists, then in power, under President John Adams. They nominated Thomas Jefferson as their candidate, who was finally elected by the House of Representatives, Jefferson and Burr having each received an equal number of electoral votes, for President and VicePresident. Limited in space, we give the platforms in the shortest possible space. The caucus declared that they favored:

I. An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States; that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who, therefore became its enemies.

2. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first to a President and Senate for life; and secondly to a hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle.

3. Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legislature of the Union, its constitutional share in division of its powers; and resistance, therefore, to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the States to the general

government, and all of those of that government to the executive branch.

4. A rigorously frugal administration of the government, and the application of all the possible savings of the public revenue to the liquidation of the public debt; and resistance, therefore, to all measures looking to a multiplication of officers and salaries, merely to create partisans and to augument the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing.

5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the mil-. itia till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations; and opposition, therefore, to the policy of a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; and to a navy, which, by its own expenses, and the wars it will implicate us, will grind us with public burdens and sink us under them.

6. Free commerce with all nations; political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishments. 7. Opposition to linking ourselves by new treaties. with the quarrels of Europe, or joining in the confederacy of Kings to war against the principles of liberty.

8. Freedom of religion. and opposition to all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendency of one sect. over another.

9. Freedom of speech and of the press; and opposition, therefore, to all violations of the Constitution, to silence by force, and not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their public agents.

10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well disposed of all nations, who may desire to embark their fortunes with us, and share with us the public burden,

may have an opportunity, under moderate restrictions, for the development of honest intention; and severe ones to guard against the usurpation of our flag.

11. Encouragement of science and arts in all their branches, to the end that the American people may perfect their independence of all foreign monopolies, institutions and influences.

PLATFORM OF JANUARY, A. D. 1836-ON THIS MARTIN VAN

BUREN WAS ELECTED PRESIDENT.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1836.-From the time that Thomas Jefferson was elected President, down to January, A. D. 1836, when Martin Van Buren became the Democratic candidate, we find no formal declaration of principles by the party, as announced by Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson, stated in another part of this volume, in their messages to Congress, forming the leading tenets of the party, and to which, afterwards, frequent allusions are made in the declarations of principles by the Democratic party:

In January, A. D. 1836, the following platform of principles was put forth by the party.

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created free and equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that the true foundation of Republican Government is the equal rights. of every citizen in his person and property and in their management; that the idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up our natural right; that the rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce only our natural right to commit aggressions on the equal