would be gained. But yet if navigation wants assistance, may apply to other countries. As applied to this country, there is every reason to believe that the power which pro- it is clearly erroneous. Appreciation in any commodity, tected its infancy, if desired, will come cheerfully again to gold, silver, corn, or lumber, depends, in a great degree, its support, in every way and by all means consistent with on abundance or scarcity. If currency, whether comthe great interests of the country. But hemp is a "local not posed of silver, gold, or bank notes, is plenty, the nomia general" production, and must, therefore, be rejected.nal price of all articles required for general consumption Sugar is proposed. It is an article of necessity, comfort, will rise, because the owners of currency must use it for and luxury. It cannot be produced in Maine or Penn-profit. The greater the plenty, the more it will be used. sylvania. Its production must be confined to the warm In such case, less profit will satisfy. This cause enhances region of our country, where the great staples of other the price of every thing that currency purchases: for it ports are uncongenial. But it must be rejected according must and will be employed. The precious metals are the to the rule. Its production is local-not general. The base of our national currency. Our commercial operasame may be said of cotton and wool, of every article tions are filled with them. Exchange on foreign nations named in the tariff. The greatest and most valuable pro- was never lower; and if it seems to be against us, it is ductions of domestic industry are more or less local in their only because we have, by law, established a relative value origin--not general. Hence, if the rule is, that every por-between silver and gold, which the rest of the world will tion of the country must alike contribute to the production not adopt.

of an article, which the constitution will allow to be pro- It cannot, therefore, be supposed, that the "reduced tected, there never can be a protecting tariff at all; human price" of domestic productions is caused by "the inwisdom could not devise one which would confer the least creased value" of the precious metals. It is to be atbenefit on the country. tributed to domestic competition, and to an addition to The rule that any particular object of domestic industry the great supply of the world; and that the advance of must possess "national importance," to entitle it to pro- the price of cotton, and the steady support of “other tection, may be safely adopted, if properly understood and agricultural products," is owing to the diversified emapplied. A broad view might be taken of the condition ployments encouraged by the protecting system. Had of the country, of its productions, of its various business, the precious metals "increased in value," the benefits of of its perpetually blending and mingling interests. We the tariff would have been far more conspicuous. Prices must see the mutual relations which exist between the would have been lower still. The tendency of such narrowest sections of our country, and ascertain how wide-opinions of the President, as to the cause of the low ly and generally the various productions of domestic in prices of domestic manufactures, is to excite prejudice dustry are distributed amongst the people. We should against the protecting system; to render it, in the estimaascertain, for the practical purpose of legislation, what tion of our fellow-citizens, an object of little importance. articles of domestic production, great or small, may be re- The error of such opinions the committee consider it their quired for general use; what articles the people want; duty to expose. what their comfort and convenience demand; what articles| The President has informed us, that "the best, as well are gathered up and distributed by the trade, business, and as the fairest mode of determining, whether, from any commerce of the country. The mames of the articles may be just considerations, a particular interest ought to receive humble-it may be broadcloths, wood-screws, thimbles, bar protection, would be to submit the question singly for iron, steam-engines, or the fabrics of cotton. But, whatever consideration. If, after duc examination of its merits, its name, the right of protection must be considered with unconnected with extraneous considerations--such as a reference to the great principles before mentioned. desire to sustain a general system, or to purchase support for a different interest--it should enlist in its favor a majority of the Representatives of the people, there can be The President has advised Congress, that the tariff is but little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the taconsidered, by almost all, as defective in many of its parts. riff, with reference to its protective effect." The comSuppose this correct, it is proposed to inquire whether mittee pass over the caution against "extraneous consigreater perfection can be attained. If so, how? The derations;" that will be duly appreciated by the ReprePresident has left Congress unadvised. The Representa sentatives of the people. The suggestions of the Pesitives of the people have recently, after their maturest dent, which relate to the manner in which a protecting deliberation, come to their best result. The details may tariff should be formed, the committee believe cannot be be imperfect. As a system, it "works well." Those adopted. If such views had prevailed since the adoption whose interests are involved are generally satisfied. It is of the constitution, no tariff for the protection of domesa subject of so much delicacy, that "it should be touched tic industry would have existed. If they now prevail, in with the utmost caution." all the branches of the Government, the tariff has no es

By these principles, it is believed, the present tariff can be fully sustained.

The committee must be fully convinced that improve- cape from total destruction. ments can be made, or they cannot, with a proper re- The framers of our constitution were equally distinspect to the "extended interests it involves," hazard anguished for profound intelligence and the purest patriotism. effort. Such is the "infirmity of our natures," that the In their great design to provide a government for this reenemies of the protecting system would rejoice to have public, which should promote and secure the various inthe benefit of little "likes and dislikes," to aid them interests of every portion, did they adopt a single provision, their attacks. The President also expresses his opinion, but with open and avowed desire to make a general sys. that "the effects of the present tariff are doubtless over- tem? Did not every State present, in bold relief, its separated, both in its evils and advantages." The committee rate claims and interests? Was not each separate and disare confident that its evils are most unreasonably "over- tinct claim and interest presented by the different mem rated." Its advantages are so manifest, that they have bers of the Convention, and well considered by the whole? been, in the estimation of many, too greatly undervalued. It was by uniting interests, great and small, scattered far The President advises us, that the decreased price of raw and wide, that our system of Government was adopted. materials, manufactured articles, provisions, and lands, Had "a particular interest" been submitted singly," arises from a cause 66 deeper and more pervading than the from some portion of the country, and that, alone, must tariff of the United States." He supposes "it may, in a have been regarded, the Convention must have dissolved measure, be attributable to the increased value of the pre- without giving it a glance of notice. But the members of that august assembly did make mutual concessions and compromises, in order to establish a general system.

cious metals.".

The committee are unable to say how far this remark

The President has advised Congress, that the power of ty, submitted to Congress his views of the tariff, and these protecting domestic industry, by the aid of duties on im- having been referred to the Committee on Manufactures, ports, belongs to the General Government. This, all it became the committee to give them a candid and reknow, is secured by a constitution, founded on liberal spectful consideration. This they have endeavored to do. concession and compromise. The committee believe that Being representatives of the people, they have no apology the protecting power may be exercised, without exposure to make for the freedom with which the opinions of the 1 to impeachment for motives, on the same principles as Chief Magistrate, on this interesting and delicate subject, governed the Convention which framed and recommended have been examined. our constitution, and the people who ratified it. The apIn framing the tariff, they believe that the acknowledg plication of this protecting power must be made by the ed principles of the constitution have been applied, as Representatives of the people. There is no other way faithfully as "Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monby which it can be exercised. Then, how can this be roe," could have desired: that the present tariff, although done? How can it be brought down, home, to business it may be defective in parts, is adjusted on principles which and bosom? If a blacksmith asks the Government of the those great statesmen approved. Had they been employUnion to protect the manufacture of an axe, must this ed to consider its details, and adapt them to the present question be submitted “singly” for deliberation? Must a condition of our country, and the world, and their united separate bill be introduced, and a vote of Congress taken? wisdom had been exerted, every one might have discovShall abstract theory place the seal of silence on the lips ered "imperfection in many of its parts;" yet, as a system, of the blacksmith, and forbid him to say that he wishes all of them would, most cheerfully, have given it their the forge, the loom, the sugar plantation, also, to be pro- powerful and hearty support. They understood the "intected? The consequences are too plain for extensive firmity of our nature" too well, to designate a single intercommentary. The great interests of the nation will hold est, and trust it to single consideration. They would generous communion among themselves. They will have made all interests that required protection come forth make common cause; they will make mutual concessions, together, stand side by side, and then provide a system by compromises, and even sacrifices, to promote the general which all could be mutually sustained." welfare, in imitation of the example set by the great The committee are satisfied that the provisions of the founders of our Government. Different interests have a existing tariff are national in their character; that no interright to consult each other. They will do so. They est, which it has undertaken to protect, is "too minute;" have always done so. They must and will act in concert if that it contains no evidence of attempts "to force manuthey expect to exist. Mutual aid may be required by the factures for which the country is not ripe," of sufficient civil interests of the country, as much as mutual assistance importance to require revision; that "no comforts of life was once required from the different States at New Or- are taxed unnecessarily high,” with a proper regard to releans, or Plattsburgh. Statesmen who understand human venue and protection; that the "low prices of manufacnature must admit it. It is sanctioned by the purest ex- tured articles" have not been caused by the "increased amples of our country-of all countries. In the adjust- value of the precious metals;" for the precious metals were ment of the existing tariff, it might be presumed by ano- never before so abundant and cheap in the United States; ther branch of the Government that Congress did its duty; but, that the low prices of manufactured articles are causthat it did not improperly obtain support for different in- ed, in a great degree, by the existing tariff, which has made terests. It must still be kept in mind, that if the infirmity the labor, skill, and enterprise of our people add a vast of our nature rendered it defective in its origin, an at- supply for consumption to the stores of the world. tempt at revision might add to its imperfection.

The committee fully believe that the present general American manufactures have had a long and arduous prosperity of the country is mainly to be attributed to the conflict with the popular, yet delusive doctrine, that addi- protecting system, and if our fellow-citizens can retain full tional duties for their protection are taxes on the consu- faith and confidence, that our Government will firmly exmer; and that every man who wears a coat pays the duty ecute its repeated and solemn promises; that it will mainimposed into the pockets of the manufacturer. The com- tain the high assurance of support which our people have mittee will not go into any train of reasoning to show its a right to demand from its dignity and honor, their prosfallacy. They will merely advert to a few facts; and they perity will be daily and more rapidly promoted, and the congratulate the friends of the American system, that the resources of our country more and more amply developed. memory of every man in the nation can furnish abundant The committee repeat that they cannot concur in the evidence that in all cases where the material is found at opinion of the President, that in framing a protecting tahome, and the protecting duty has been adequate, the do- riff, each interest should be presented "singly for delibemestic article becomes cheaper in price, and improved in ration," without any reference to a general system. By quality. Cotton goods furnish a striking example of this such a rule, it is believed, that no protecting system could truth, and every man who wears a cotton shirt knows it. ever have been adopted, and by its influence, it is strongly The article of nails furnishes another proof, as is well apprehended, none can stand. The fears of the commitknown to every man who builds a house. The committee tee are the more explicitly declared, because enemies of might enumerate hundreds of articles, such as hats, caps, the system have, in a manner that cannot be misunderstood, shoes, boots, and cheese, to sustain them--but they know exposed their plan of operations. It is to present each it would be superfluous. The tax is not paid, because object "singly" for deliberation, and conquer the whole the articles are not imported. The duty secures the mar-system in detail.

ket to the home manufacturer; and domestic competition The committee have thus presented to the House their among the manufacturers reduces the cost to the lowest undisguised and undissembled opinions on the subject repossible price, while, at the same time, it improves the ferred," with the freedom and candor which they considquality. This is the plain truth of the matter; and it is ered the occasion for their expression" required. They now so well understood by the great mass of the nation, that believe that the tariff, having been so recently revised, any the American system will not be surrendered nor abandoned attempt to change its provisions, at this time, would spread so long as the people elect their own rulers. It has taken alarm among the great interests of our country, shake condeep root in our soil-the tree is flourishing, its branches fidence in the plighted faith of Government, destroy the have extended far and wide, and the people will frown indig- supposed well-founded hopes of millions of our fellow-citinantly upon every effort to wither its leaf, or to blast its zens, reduce them to penury, and expose the whole counfruit. try to the dangers of a "most selfish policy which might [be adopted by foreign nations.”

The President having, in the proper exercise of his du

COUNTER REPORT UPON MANUFACTURES.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JAN. 13. Mr. MONELL submitted the following report: A minority of the Committee on Manufactures, to which was referred so much of the President's message as relates to the tariff of duties on imports, and so much thereof as respects manufactures, not concurring in the whole matter or manner of the report preferred by the majority, beg leave to submit their views in a separate report.

With the President, we fully concur in the opinion that there is great cause for congratulation in the practical operation of the tariff, proving, as it conclusively does, that the injuries to our commercial interests, so confidently predicted by its opponents, have not been realized.

"While this stinted measure of protection is thus dealt out to the woollens, unexampled duties are proposed on other articles."

"This bill tends to oppress our navigation, and to destroy the markets for some of our productions."

This bill greatly increases the expenses of ship build

ing."
"This bill must powerfully aid and advance the colo-
nial policy of Great Britain."

"Every manufacture in Maine, which this measure reaches, it injures and destroys.”

"This bill, in its effects, co-operates with British policy. That favors the introduction of iron and hemp for their vessels; this taxes them for ours."

"If the question could be proposed to the British ParWith the President, we also concur in the constitution-liament, they would pass this bill for us by acclamation; ality of an adjustment of impost duties, with a view to the and should we of this committee adopt it in its present protection of our own agriculture and manufactures. It form, a British statesman might well say that we deserved would be difficult to frame a more direct, convincing, and a pension from his royal master." conclusive argument on that point than is presented in the message.

That the present tariff is defective in some of its details, we have the concurrent testimony of almost all who have written or spoken upon the subject during its discussion, and since its last modification. In his message to Congress, at the opening of December session, in 1828, Presi dent Adams remarked:

To the authority of Mr. Adams and his cabinet, anticipated by the discussion of the present tar.ff before Congress, might be added that of almost every friend of the protecting policy in the United States.

On this point, therefore, the President concurs with President Adams and his cabinet, with the manufacturers themselves, and with all intelligent men.

We concur with the President in the opinion that those "The tariff of the last session was, in its details, not ac- who dare not attempt to improve the tariff, and correct ceptable to the great interests of the Union; not even to its imperfections, do injustice to the American people and the interest which it was specially intended to subserve. to their Representatives. The people wish their RepreIts object was to balance the burthens on native industry, sentatives to do right; nor will they consider it a sufficient imposed by the operation of foreign laws, but not to ag- excuse that they feared to do good lest evil might come. gravate the burthens of one section of the Union by the Such a plea will not be deemed very consistent with any relief afforded to another. To the great principle sanc- valuable creed of political faith or code of good morals. tioned in that act, one of those upon which the constitution Evil will never come out of good. The Representative itself was framed, I hope and trust the authorities of the who does right need not fear to meet his constituents. He Union will adhere. But if any of the duties imposed by only need fear and tremble, who, thinking right, seeing the act only relieve the manufacturer by aggravating the the evils of an existing system, and knowing it to be inju burthens of the planter, let a careful revisal of its provi-rious and unjust in some of its details, shall, when called sions, enlightened by the practical experience of its effects, to account before his constituents, say, in his defence, I be directed to retain those which impart protection to na feared to trust myself and my colleagues in an attempt to tive industry, and remove or supply the place of those do right, lest we should do wrong. which only alleviate one national interest by the depression We felicitate the country that such is not the character of another." of the President or his message. He advances boldly to During the progress of the bill in Congress, a distin- his point. He does not fear to do right, lest he may do guished friend of domestic industry from Vermont vainly wrong. Fortified by honesty of purpose and patriotic deattempted to amend it, and declared that "the manufac-votion, he has full confidence that the people will sustain ture of the coarse fabric (woollens) is ruined at a blow. him in all his efforts to reform abuses and correct errors in Just as we are about to realize what the friends of the our various systems of law and administration. He does American policy have foretold that American skill, indus- but justice to the American people when he says, "My try, and enterprise could accomplish, to make them sub-confidence is entire, that, to secure such modification of servient to some fancied benefit, we offer them up as a the tariff as the general interest requires, it is only neces sacrifice to our enemies." sary that that interest should be understood."

A friend of the protecting system from Massachusetts | With the President, we think it probable that the reobserved, "He was himself a wool grower, and was firmly duced price of produce, raw materials, manufactured artiof the belief that the bill was utterly destructive to that cles, and lands, is attributable, in some degree, to a reducclass of men; that it put the knife to the jugular vein of tion in the supply of the precious metals. That the proevery sheep in the country; and that its effects would be ducts of the mines in Spanish America have been less equally destructive to the interests of the manufacturers." within the last twenty years than they were in the twenty A friend to the protecting policy from Maine, speaking preceding, will not, we presume, be doubted. So far the language of many others, said, "This explains to us from diminishing, the demand for the precious metals has why it is that those very manufacturers and their agents, increased with the increase of civilized population and the who poured into the House petitions, beseeching that we extension of commerce. It was, therefore, natural that would sustain their sinking establishments, now come here their value should increase. Undoubtedly, the establishwith remonstrances, conjuring us to save them from the ment of extensive manufactories in America, and the imtender mercies of this measure. It shows us, too, why the provements in machinery, have tended to reduce the gebill is condemned by the fast friends of domestic manufac-neral price of manufactured articles; but the same cause, tures, and, among many others, by those champions of the had it operated separately, would, in this country, have American system, the veterans Niles and Carey.' increased the price of lands and agricultural products.

"It is said that the proposed duty on coarse wool, which | Has such been the result? No; lands and agricultural prowe now import from the Mediterranean and South Ameri-ducts have declined in price almost as much as manufac ca, is to benefit the agriculturist. It is certainly a great tured articles. The cause of this decline is not our tariff; injury to the manufacturers and the consumers." it is something deeper and more pervading." It is diffi

cult to account for it in any other way than as the effect, inform Congress, that iron, lead, cannon, muskets, bullets, of an appreciation of gold and silver.

We are aware that money seems to be abundant in our commercial cities, and that it can be borrowed at a low rate of interest. This is not the effect of an increased supply of the precious metals, but of a stagnation of trade and business. So low are the products of commerce, of manufactures, and of agriculture, that rich men find no inducements to invest their capital in those pursuits. Money, therefore, accumulates upon their hands, and they are willing to lend it out, well secured, upon a moderate interest. But were a general war in Europe, or any change in the affairs of nations, to furnish a market for our agricultural productions, and revive our trade, the lending of money at a low interest would instantly cease, and, with the increased demand, apparent scarcity would succeed to apparent abundance.

Having asserted the constitutionality of the tariff, adjusted with a view to protection, the President gives, with characteristic point and clearness, his views of its policy. We quote his language:

powder, soldiers' and sailors' clothing, ships, with their canvass and tackle, are articles essential to national defence. It was fair to presume that the experience, knowledge, and sagacity of Congress, were competent to fill up the list of these articles, without encumbering his message with details. We know that, with their accompaniments and component parts, embracing coarse woollens, blankets, hats, and shoes, they constitute that class of arti cles which he says are entitled to the first rank in a tariff of protection.

"Other species of industry," of a national importance, which, after temporary protection," can compete with foreign labor on equal terms, merit the same attention in a subordinate degree.

Our cot

We are at no loss to understand the President, nor do we hesitate to concur with him in the sentiment expressed. To produce the manufacture in our own country of all articles of general use among our citizens, and enable us to purchase them as cheap or cheaper than we can obtain them from abroad, is one of the chief objects of the tariff, "While the chief object of duties should be revenue, and its most deservedly boasted effect. To attain an obthey may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures. Inject so desirable, the President thinks a temporary tax on this adjustment, however, it is the duty of the Government the imported article not unjust or improper. That a tema to be guided by the general good. Objects of national porary protection will, in some branches of manufacture, importance alone ought to be protected; of these, the pro- produce this result, we have the evidence of facts. India ducts of our soil, our mines, and our workshops, essential cottons, it is stated, were formerly sold in the United to national defence, occupy the first rank. Whatever States at twenty-five cents per yard. A better fabric is other species of domestic industry, having the importance now made in the United States and sold at eight cents. to which I have referred, may be expected, after tempo- Although the price of such cottons has much declined rary protection, to compete with foreign labor on equal in India, yet the decline has fallen so far short of that terms, merit the same attention in a subordinate degree. in the United States, that our cottons now enter into A tariffadjusted on these principles, we are sure, would successful competition with them in the markets of the meet the wishes of all real friends of domestic industry very countries where they are manufactured. and the interests of the country. tons successfully compete with the British cottons, also, in "Objects of national importance alone ought to be pro-all countries where they are permitted to enter on equal tected." It would be absurd to say that the "national terms; and, it is affirmed, might be sold in England itself importance" of an article depended on the generality of at a profit, if they could be admitted free of duty. By a its protection. Lead is found in but two or three States in the Union, yet who will deny its 1ational importance? Perhaps powder is not made in half a dozen States: yet who will deny its national importance? There are not, probably, a dozen cannon foundries in the Union; yet If they can compete with foreign manufactures in the who will deny their national importance?" If iron were markets of other countries, loaded with freights and commade in only one State, would any man think of denying missions, could they not maintain themselves without proits "national importance?" To say that the President tection in our own markets? How does our tariff enable recommends the protection of only such articles as are our manufacturers to undersell the India fabric in the Inproduced or manufactured in all or most of the States, is dia market? How does it enable them to undersell the to do violence to his language and evident meaning. Every British in the Levant and South America? It is obvious thing of general necessity or general use, whether it be of that the tariff can affect present prices only in our own general production or not, is an object of "national im-market. It does not affect the price of coarse cottons, portance, ," and evidently embraced in the views of the

President.

temporary protection, therefore, our cotton manufactories have been established, and brought to such perfection, that they successfully compete with foreign establishments, wherever they can meet them on equal terms.

even at home: for competition has so reduced it that they can be bought at a less price in the United States than India cottons can in India. If the tariff were now abolished, these goods would continue to monopolise our own market, and compete with foreign fabrics in the markets of the world.

"Of these," he says, "the productions of our soil, our mines, our workshops, essential to national defence, occupy the first rank." We presume all the friends of domestic industry, and of our country's safety, will concur with the President in this sentiment. He speaks from the admonitions of experience. He has seen our brave militia called into the service of their country, and exposed to a ruthless invader, without arms, without ammunition, and almost without clothing. From want of means of defence he has seen our cities exposed to plunder, and sections of our country to conquest. It would be unwise in our Government not to provide against like dangers-in future. "In peace prepare for war," is a maxim as true as it is trite. Nails are another article which domestic competition In the opinion of the President, it should be the first ob-has reduced in price, so that, in some cases, we believe ject in a protecting tariff. the whole cost does not now equal the duty.

That India cottons would not again be seen in our markets is proved by the fact that our cottons are sold at a profit in the markets of that country. India cottons forinerly sold at twenty-five cents. If the duty were taken off, they might probably be afforded in our market at twelve cents. Our own cottons, of a better quality, sell for eight. Who would buy the India cottons at twelve, when he could get our own and better at eight?

But, it may be asked, what productions of our soil, our The manufactures of hats, shoes, and cabinet ware, mines, and our workshops, are essential to our national have, from the protection they have received, and the skill defence? The President has not thought it necessary or and industry of our manufacturers, attained such a force proper to enter into a minute detail in his communication as to defy foreign competition. Those branches of our to Congress. Doubtless he did not think it respectful to agriculture which produce cotton, wheat, beef, pork, and

butter, though they may have required protection in their sachusetts still be twice as injurious as it is beneficial; infancy, have outstripped all protection, furnish the that of New York three times; and that of Virgina five cheapest and most abundant supply, and have acquired a times? Will not the injury of the combination be to the vigor which defies foreign competition, and counteracts benefit as ten to three? Extend the same principle to the most selfish and destructive policy of foreign nations." ten States--twenty States-all the States. It is impossiMany other articles might be enumerated, but these ble that the combination of twenty-four bad measures can are sufficient to illustrate the views of the President. produce a good measure. As soon should we look to the Temporary encouragement has been afforded. These concentration of all the vices to make a good man. "species of domestic industry" have been enabled "to compete with foreign labor on equal terms." The tariff upon these articles has ceased to be a tax: for they can be purchased lower in our own than in foreign markets, and their importation has either ceased or is fast diminishing.

We, therefore, concede the justice of the rule laid down by the President. It is worthy of the mind whence it comes--a mind which marches straight to its object, and seeks no subterfuge to deceive the people, or evade responsibility. Its observance would promote purity of motive and justice of action in all our legislative acts.

In whatever cases the same effect can be produced, the We concur with the President in the opinion that the President thinks, and we think, that the same means of chief object of impost duties is revenue, and that their protection should be employed. But if there be no hope adjustment so as to protect manufactures is an incidental of so establishing in this country a species of culture or or secondary power. To lay duties for the sole purmanufacture that it will eventually be able to compete pose of protecting domestic industry, would be an anomwith foreign labor on equal terms," to that a tariff of pro-aly in Government. What would be done with the tect on ought not to be applied. He would be esteemed money collected? If our national debt were paid, and a madman who should, by a tariff, endeavor to establish we had no use for money in the concerns of Government, in this country the culture of tea, pepper, pimento, cin- there would now be an accumulation in the treasury to namon, Peruvian bark, and many other products not the amount of twenty-four millions annually. If the sole adapted to our soil or climate, or to the habits of our object of the duty be to protect domestic industry, that people. There are species of manufactures which partake object is accomplished when the money is paid into the of the same character. A heavy duty upon them is an use-treasury. Shall it be hid in the earth, sunk in the ocean, less tax upon the consumer. It produces no present, and given to Government favorites, or distributed among the promises no prospective, good. Unless the proceeds be manufacturers? required for revenue, it ought not to be imposed.

We do not believe the people of the United States As specimens of interest embraced in the present tariff, will consent to pay twenty-four millions, nor ten millions, too minute and local to merit protection, we may name nor five millions, for the sole purpose of protecting mamarble, capers, olives, figs, &c.; and as specimens of nufactures. If they perceive that the money raised by manufactures it attempts to force, for which the country protecting duties is not devoted to useful and honest puris not ripe, we mention silks, worsted stuff goods, merino poses, they will demand their reduction or repeal. shawls, &c.

What

We therefore concur with the President in the opinion We fully concur with the President in the opinion that that the duties on articles constituting a portion of the "the best as well as the fairest mode of determining necessaries and comforts of life should be reduced or enwhether, from any just considerations, a particular inter-tirely repealed. A more certain means of preserving est ought to receive protection, would be to submit the the protecting duties could not be recommended. question singly for deliberation." We have not so little interest has any portion of our manufacturers, or agriconfidence in the people, or their representatives, as to culturists in preserving the duties on tea, coffee, cocoa, believe that an appeal to local or individual interests is ne-pepper, cinnamon, or any other foreign products or macessary to induce them to do what the general interest re-nufactures which do not come into competition with the quires. If a single interest were presented, they would fruits of their own labor? The duties on those articles weigh the benefits and injuries which its protection might yield no protection, but they produce a considerable produce to the general interests of the country, and de-amount of revenue. They will continue to do so after cide without the bias of local or selfish considerations. If, the national debt shall be extinguished. Is it not better in their opinion, the general good required its protection, for the labor of the country that the amount of these they would grant it. If, on the contrary, the injury would duties should be levied upon other articles, that come counterbalance the benefits, they would refuse it.

It is inconceivable to us how it can be made a general benefit to protect a combination of interests, each of which, taken separately, it would be injurious to protect. If it be injurious to protect each singly, the mass of injury is increased more readily than the benefits by their combina

tion.

Suppose that Massachusetts has an interest which she wishes protected, but, after due consideration, it is the opinion of Congress that it will produce twice the harm that it would good. It is evident that her wishes ought not to be gratified.

New York has an interest which she presents for protection; but it is decided that the general injury of such a measure will be three times as great as the general good. Of course she ought not to be gratified.

into competition with domestic products? If they continue to be levied upon these articles, they will diminish, as they do now, the amount collected from articles the manufacture or growth of which in our own country needs the encouragement of a protecting tariff.

To us nothing is plainer than that it is the interest of the true friends of a protecting tariff to repeal every duty which has no protective effect. The whole revenue of the country would then be adjusted upon imports, with a view to the protection of domestic industry. With a reduced revenue, the protection will then be more efficient than it is now; and there will be no danger of a ruinous reaction after the payment of the national debt.

The admonitions of the President are the voice of wis dom. Take of the duties on the necessaries and comforts of life, and correct the abuses of the tariff. Adjust Virginia presents an interest for protection; but it is the the whole revenues of the country on such imported maopinion of Congress that, in the general scale, such a mea-nufactures and produce as compete with our own domessure will do five times as much harm as good. It is evi-tie labor: then will protection be confined to its legitimate dent that the measure proposed by her ought not to be objects, the system of protecting duties will be identified adopted. with the revenue system of the country, and cannot be

Now, can these three measures become useful and pro-shaken. per by combining them together? Will not that of Mas

Most sincerely do we accord with the President in the