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TO THE

REGISTER OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.

TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS-SECOND SESSION.

LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE U. STATES.

SENATE.

MAINE.John Holmes, Peleg Sprague.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.-Samuel Bell, Levi Woodbury.
MASSACHUSETTS.-Nathaniel Silsbee, Dan'l Webster.
CONNECTICUT.-Samuel A. Foot, Calvin Willey.
RHODE ISLAND.-Nehemiah R. Knight, Asher Robbins.

VERMONT.—Dudley Chase, Horatio Seymour.
NEW YORK.---Nathan Sanford, Charles E. Dudley.
NEW JERSEY-Theodore Frelinghuysen, Mahlon Dick-

erson.

PENNSYLVANIA.-William Marks, Isaac D. Barnard.
DELAWARE.-John M. Clayton, Arnold. Naudain.
MARYLAND.-Samuel Smith, Ezekiel Chambers.
VIRGINIA.-L. W. Tazewell, John Tyler.
NORTH CAROLINA.-James Iredell, Bedford Brown.
SOUTH CAROLINA-William Smith, Robert Y. Hayne.
GEORGIA.—George M. Troup, John Forsyth.
KENTUCKY.-John Rowan, George M. Bibb.
TENNESSEE.—Hugh L. White, Felix Grundy.
OHIO.-Benjamin Ruggles, Jacob Burnet.
LOUISIANA.-Josiah S. Johnston, Edward Livingston,
INDIANA.-William Hendricks, James Noble.
MISSISSIPPI.-Powhatan Ellis, George Poindexter.
ILLINOIS.-Elias K. Kane, David J. Baker.
ALABAMA.-John M'Kinley, William R. King.
MISSOURI.-David Barton, Thomas H. Benton.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MAINE.-John Anderson, Samuel Butman, George Evans, Rufus M'Intire, Cornelius Holland, Joseph F. Wingate, Leonard Jarvis.

NEW HAMPSHIRE-John Brodhead, Thomas Chandler, Joseph Hammons, Jonathan Harvey, Henry Hubbard, John W. Weeks.

MASSACHUSETTS.-John Bailey, Isaac C. Bates, B. W. Crowninshield, John Davis, Henry W. Dwight, Edward Everett, Benjamin Gorham, George Grennell, jr. James L. Hodges, Joseph G. Kendall, John Reed, Joseph Richardson, John Varnum.

PENNSYLVANIA.-James Buchanan, Richard Coulter, Thomas H. Crawford, Harmar Denny, Joshua Evans, Chauncey Forward, Joseph Fry, Jr. James Ford, Innis Green, John Gilmore, Joseph Hemphill, Peter Ihrie, jr. Thomas Irwin, Adam King, George G. Leiper, H. A. Muhlenburg, Alem Marr, Daniel H. Miller, William M'Creery, William Ramsay, John Scott, Philander Stephens, John B. Sterigere, Joel B. Sutherland, Samuel A. Smith, Thomas H. Sill.

DELAWARE.-Kensey Johns, Jr.

MARYLAND.-Elias Brown, Clement Dorsey, Benj. C. Howard, George E. Mitchell, Michael C. Sprigg, Benedict I. Semmes, Richard Spencer, George C. Washington, Ephraim K. Wilson.

VIRGINIA.-Mark Alexander, Robert Allen, William S. Archer, William Armstrong, John S. Barber, John M. Patton, J. T. Boulding, Richard Coke, Jr. Nathaniel H. Claiborne, Robert B. Craig, Philip Doddridge, Thomas Davenport, William F. Gordon, Lewis Maxwell, Charles F. Mercer, William M'Coy, Geo. Loyall, John Roane, Joseph Draper, Andrew Stevenson, John Taliaferro, James Trezvant.

NORTH CAROLINA.-Willis Alston, Daniel L. Barringer, Samuel P. Carson, H. W. Conner, Edmund Deberry, Edward B. Dudley, Thomas H. Hall, Robert Potter, Wm. B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Jesse Speight, Lewis Williams, Abraham Rencher.

SOUTH CAROLINA.-Robert W. Barnwell, James Blair, John Campbell, Warren R. Davis, Wm. Drayton, Wm. D. Martin, George M'Duffie, Wm. T. Nuckolls, Starling Tucker.

GEORGIA.-Thomas F. Foster, Charles E. Haynes, Wilson Lumpkin, Henry G. Lamar, Wiley Thompson, Richard H. Wilde, James M. Wayne.

KENTUCKY.-James Clark, Ñ. D. Coleman, Thomas Chilton, Henry Daniel, Nathaniel Gaither, R. M. Johnson, John Kincaid, Joseph Lecompte, Chittenden Lyon, Robert P. Letcher, Charles A. Wickliffe, Joel Yancey.

TENNESSEE.-John Blair, John Bell, David Crockett, Robert Desha, Jacob C. Isacks, Cave Johnson, Pryor Lea, James K. Polk, James Standefer.

RHODE ISLAND -Tristam Burges, Dutee J. Pearce. OHIO.-Mordecai Bartley, Joseph H. Crane, William CONNECTICUT.-Noyes Barber, William W. Ells- Creighton, James Findlay, Wm. W. Irvin, William Kenworth, J. W. Huntington, Ralph J. Ingersoll, W. Lnon, Humphrey H. Leavitt, Wm. Russel, Wm. StanberStorrs, Ebenezer Young. ry, James Shields, John Thompson, Joseph Vance, Samuel F. Vinton, Elisha Whittlesey.

VERMONT-William Cahoon, Horace Everett, Jonathan Hunt, Rollin C. Mallary, Benjamin Swift.

NEW YORK.-William G. Angel, Benedict Arnold, Thomas Beekman, Abraham Bockee, Peter I. Borst, C. C. Cambreleng, Jacob Crocheron, Timothy Childs, Henry B. Cowles, S. W. Eager, Charles G. Dewitt, John D. Dickinson, Jonas Earll, jr. Isaac Finch, Michael Hoffman, Joseph Hawkins, Jehiel H. Halsey, Perkins King, James Lent, John Magee, Henry C. Martindale, Robert Monell, Thomas Maxwell, E. F. Norton, Gershom Powers, Robert S. Rose, Jonah Sanford, Henry R. Storrs, James Strong, Ambrose Spencer, John W. Taylor, Phineas L. Tracy, Gulian C. Verplanck, Campbell P. White.

NEW JERSEY.-Lewis Condict, Richard M. Cooper, Thomas H. Hughes, Isaac Pierson, James F. Randolph, Samuel Swann.

VOL. VII-A..

LOUISIANA.-Henry H. Gurley, W. H. Overton, Edward D. White.

INDIANA.-Ratliff Boon, Jonathan Jennings, John

Test.

ALABAMA.-R. E. B. Baylor, C. C. Clay, Dixon H.

Lewis.

MISSISSIPPI.—Thomas Hinds.
ILLINOIS.-Joseph Duncan.
MISSOURI,-Spencer Pettis.

Delegates.

MICHIGAN TERRITORY.-John Biddle.
ARKANSAS TERRITORY.-A. H. Sevier.
FLORIDA TERRITORY.-Joseph M. White,

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Fellow-Citizens of the Senate

and of the House of Representatives :

The pleasure I have in congratulating you on your return to your constitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. The beneficent Author of all good has granted to us, during the present year, health, peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the wonderful success which attends the progress

of our free institutions.

An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain, in relation to the trade between the United States and her West India and North American colomes, which has settled a question that has for years afforded matter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and las been the subject of no less than six negotiations, in a manner which promises results highly favorable to the parties.

The abstract right of Great Britain to memopolize the trade with her colonies, or to exclude us from a participation therein, has never been denied by the U. States. But we have contended, and with reason, that if, at any time, Great Britain may desire the productions of this country as necessary to her colonics, they must be received upon principles of just reciprocity; and further, that it is making an invidious and unfriendly distinction, to open her colonial ports to the vessels of other nations, and close them against those of the United States. Antecedently to 1794, a portion of our productions was With a population unparalleled in its increase, and pos-admitted into tre colonial islands of Great Britain, by parsessing a character which combines the hardihood of en- ticular concession, limited to the term of one year, but terprise with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in renewed from year to year. In the transportation of every section of our happy country a steady improvement these productions, however, our vessels were not allowed in the means of social intercourse, and correspondent ef- to engage; this being a privilege reserved to British shipfects upon the genius and laws of our extended republic.ping, by which alone our produce could be taken to the The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the pros- islands, and theirs brought to us in return. From Newpect are to be referred rather to inevitable diversities in foundland and her continental possessions, all our producthe various interests which enter into the composition of tions, as well as our vessels, were excluded, with occaso extensive a whole, than to any want of attachment to sional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, the the Union-interests whose collisions serve only, in the former were admitted in British bottoms. end, to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism, so essential to the preservation of that union which, I most devoutly hope, is destined to prove imperishable.

In the midst of these blessings, we have recently witnessed changes in the condition of other nations, which may, in their consequences, call for the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity, in our councils, and the exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people.

By the treaty of 1794, she offered to concede to us, for a limited time, the right of carrying to her West India possessions, in our vessels not exceeding seventy tons burden, and upon the same terms as British vessels, any productions of the United States which British vessels might import therefrom. But this privilege was coupled with conditions which are supposed to have led to its rejection by the Senate: that is, that American vessels The important modifications of their Government, ef should land their return cargoes in the United States only ; fected with so much courage and wisdom by the people and, moreover, that they should, during the continuance of France, afford a happy presage of their future course, of the privilege, be precluded from carrying molasses, and has naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton, either from those islands this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of ap- or from the U.States, to any other part of the world. Great plause in which you have participated. In congratulating Britain readily consented to expunge this article from the you, my fellow citizens, upon an event so auspicious to treaty and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms of the dearest interests of mankind, I do no more than re- the trade, either by treaty stipulations or concerted legisspond to the voice of my country, without transcending,lation, having failed, it has been successively suspended in the slightest degree, that salutary maxim of the illus- and allowed, according to the varying legislation of the trious Washington, which enjoins an abstinence from all parties. interference with the internal affairs of other nations. From a people exercising, in the most unlimited degree, the right of self government, and enjoying, as derived from this proud characteristic, under the favor of heaven, much of the happiness with which they are blessed; a people who can point in triumph to their free institutions, and challenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as with the moderation, intelligence, and energy, with which they are administered; from such a people, the deepest sympathy was to be expected in a struggle for the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit every way worthy of the cause, and crowned by an heroic moderation which has disarmed revolution of its terrors. Notwithstanding the strong assurances which the man whom we so sincerely love and justly admire has given to the world of the high character of the present King of the French, and which, if sustained to the end, will secure to him the proud appellation of Patriot King, it is not in his success, but in that of the great principle which has borne him to the throne-the paramount authority of the public will-that the American people rejoice.

I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged at the date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairs, have been fully realized in several important particulars.

The following are the prominent points which have, in later years, separated the two Governments. Besides a restriction, whereby all importations into her colonies in American vessels are confined to our own products carried hence, a restriction to which it does not appear that we have ever objected, a leading object on the part of Great Britain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of British West India commodities to any other country than our own. On the part of the United States, it has been contended, 1st. That the subject should be regulated by treaty stipulations in preference to separate legislation; 2d. That our productions, when imported into the colonies in question, should not be subject to higher duties than the productions of the mother country, or of her other colonial possessions; And, 3d. That our vessels should be allowed to participate in the circuitous trade between the United States and different parts of the British dominions.

The first point, after having been, for a long time, strenuously insisted upon by Great Britain, was given up by the act of Parliament of July, 1825; all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear from thence with any articles which British vessels might export; and proceed to any part. of the world, Great Britain and her dependencies alone excepted. On our

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President's Message.

part, each of the above points had, in succession, been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of which the result is now announced.

This arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked by them, and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable to this country than any on which it ever stood; and our commerce and navigation will enjoy, in the colonial ports of Great Britain, every privilege allowed to other nations. That the prosperity of the country, so far as it depends on this trade, will be greatly promoted by the new arrangement, there can be no doubt. Independently of the more obvious advantages of an open and direct intercourse, its establishment will be attended with other consequences of a higher value. That which has been carried on since the mutual interdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incident to it, would have been insupportably onerous, had it not been, in a great degree, lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the transhipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives, not only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain such relations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts of direct, open, and honorable competition only; and preserve them from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances.

[21st CONG. 2d SESS.

tain, and concluded in a manner strongly indicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with the United States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of my ability, is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege to discharge.

Although the result is, itself, the best commentary on the services rendered to his country by our Minister at the court of St. James, it would be doing violence to my feelings were 1 to dismiss the subject without expressing the very high sense I entertain of the talent and exertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion. The injury to the commerce of the United States resulting from the exclusion of our vessels from the Black sea, and the previous footing of mere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hitherto been placed, have, for a long time, been a source of much solicitude to this Government; and several endeavors have been made to obtain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance of the object, I felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed to acquire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the principal Powers of Europe. Commissioners were, consequently, appointed, to open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the member of the commission who went directly from the United States had sailed, the account of the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects in view was supposed to be secured, reached this country. The Black Sea was understood to When your preliminary interposition was asked at the be opened to us. Under the supposition that this was close of the last session, a copy of the instructions under the case, the additional facilities to be derived from the which Mr. McLane has acted, together with the commu-establishment of commercial regulations with the Porte nications which had at that time passed between him and the British Government, was laid before you. Although there has not been any thing in the acts of the two Go vernments which requires secrecy, it was thought most proper, in the then state of the negotiation, to make that By its provisions, a free passage is secured, without communication a confidential one. however, as limitation of time, to the vessels of the United States, to the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is and from the Black Sea,including the navigation thereof; received, the whole matter shall be laid before you, when and our trade with Turkey is placed on the footing of the it will be seen that the apprehension which appears to most favored nation. The latter is an arrangement whol have suggested one of the provisions of the act passed atly independent of the treaty of Adrianople; and the your last session, that the restoration of the trade in ques-former derives much value, not only from the increased tion might be connected with other subjects, and was security which, under any circumstances, it would give sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public inter- to the right in question, but from the fact, ascertained in est in other particulars, was wholly unfounded; and that the course of the negotiation, that, by the construction the change which has taken place in the views of the put upon that treaty by Turkey, the article relating to British Government has been induced by considerations the passage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations hav. as honorable to both parties, as, I trust, the result willing treaties with the Porte. The most friendly feelings

prove beneficial.

So soon,

were deemed of sufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as originally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in, and resulted in a treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate.

appear to be entertained by the Sultan, and an enlightened disposition is evinced by him to foster the intercourse between the two countries by the most liberal arrangements. This disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish.

This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly promoted by the liberal and confiding provisions of the act of Congress of the last session, by which our ports were, upon the reception and annunciation by the President of the required assurance on the part of Great Britain, Our relations with Russia are of the most stable chaforthwith opened to her vessels, before the arrangement racter. Respect for that Empire, and confidence in its could be carried into effect on her part; pursuing, in this friendship towards the United States, have been so long act of prospective legislation, a similar course to that entertained on our part, and so carefully cherished by adopted by Great Britam, in abolishing, by her act of Par- the present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor, as to liament, in 1825, a restriction then existing, and permit-have become incorporated with the public sentiment of ting our vessels to clear from the colonies, on their return the United States. No means will be left unemployed on voyage, for any foreign country whatever, before British my part to promote these salutary feelings, and those imvessels had been reheved from the restriction imposed by provements of which the commercial intercourse between our law, of returning directly from the United States to the two countries is susceptible, and which have derived inthe colonies-a restriction which she required and ex-creased importance from our treaty with the Sublime Porte. pected that we should abolish. Upon each occasion, a limited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party, but an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feelings, and the ultimate establishment of the trade upon fair princips.

I sincerely regret to inform you that our Minister lately commissioned to that Court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience in public affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled, by extreme indisposition, to exercise a privilege, which, in consideration of the extent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public service, was committed to his discretion-of leaving temporarily his post for the advantage of a more ge.

It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation has been, throughout, characterised by the most frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Bri-nial climate.

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If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburgh, and resume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most satisfactory assurance that, in the mean time, the public interests in that quarter will be preserved from prejudice, by the intercourse which he will continue, through the Secretary of Legation, with the Russian cabinet,

You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officially announced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was, in the month of March last, concluded between the United States and Denmark, by which $650,000 are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Se. nate at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the Board of Commissioners to distribute the indemnity amongst the claimants. It is an agrecable circumstance of this adjustment, that its terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of the claimants themselves; thus removing all pretence for a future agitation of the subject in any form.

The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remained to be adjusted, have been actively prosecuted during the recess. Material advances have been made, which are of a character to promise favorable results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a situation to invite aggression; and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and friendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfil our engagements with scrupulous fidelity limiting our demands upon others to mere justice; holding our selves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be done by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any Nation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere application of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest.

Of the points referred to, the most prominent are, our claims upon France for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two countries, which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty of commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement of li mits beween ourselves and that republic; and finally the arbitrament of the question between the United States and Great Britain in regard to the northeastern boundary.

The negotiation with France has been conducted by our Minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally dimmed by counterpretensions, to which the United States could not assent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satis factory settlement with the late Government. The nego tiation has been renewed with the present authorities, and, sensible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of regenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power, yet, to announce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation, has been taken; and I do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done to us. The amount of the claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontrovertible justice, make an earnest prose cution of them by this Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed; and whatever distinc tions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing Government, it is quite clear that such considerations cannot now be interposed.

The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible of highly advantageous improvements; but the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From its satisfactory adjustment, not only a firin and cordial friendship, but a progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be speedily removed.

I feel that my confi:lence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and magnanimous Nation, is alike warranted by the character of the French people, and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the monarch who now presides over their councils; and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any manifestation of the spirit we allticipate in one of corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of that Government, by our Minister there, with much force and propriety; and the strongest assurances have been received of their early and favora ble consideration.

The steps which remained to place the matter in controversy between Great Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator, have all been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtless served to delay the decision, but our Minister at the Court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by the treaty. I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly favorable, and, as I hope, lasting change has been effected in our relations with the neighboring republic of Mexico. The unfortunate and unfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition, which it became my painful duty to advert to on a former occasion, have been, I believe, entirely removed; and the Government of Mexico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country. The consequence is, the establishment of friendship and matual confidence. Such are the assurances which I have received, and I see no cause to doubt their sincerity. I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the present occasion. Circumstances which are not explained, but which, I am persuaded, are not the result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it, have produced the delay.

There was reason to fear, in the course of the last summer, that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain claimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which has hitherto been under our jurisdiction. The co-operation of the representative of Mexico near this Government was asked on the occasion, and was readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been givea to the Governor of Arkansas and the Officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State, by which, it is hoped, the quiet of that frontier will be preserved, until a anal settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of controversy.

The exchange of ratification of the treaty concluded last year with Austria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by the non-arrival of the ratification of that Government within the time prescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the representative of Austria; and, in the mean time, the rapidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts.

Several alleged depredations have been recently committed on our commerce by the national vessels of Portugal. They have been made the subject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yet possessed

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The one

now returned does so in several particulars, but it also contains appropriations for surveys of a local character, which I cannot approve. It gives ine satisfaction to find that no serious inconvenienc has arisen from withhold. ing my approval from this bill; nor will it, I trust, be cause of regret that an opportunity will be thereby afforded for Congress to review its provisions under circum. | stances better calculated for full investigation than those under which it was passed.

of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of|jects, I should not have withheld my assent. their character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may appear to be entitled. Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session, two bills, the one entitled "An act for making appropriations for building light-houses, light-boats, beacons, and monuments, placing buoys, and for improving harbors and directing surveys," and the other, “An act to authorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal Company," were submitted for my appro- In speaking of direct appropriations, I mean not to inval. It was not possible, within the time allowed me, clude a practice which has obtained to some extent, and before the close of the session, to give these bills the to which I have, in one instance, in a different capacity, consideration which was due to their character an impor- given my assent-that of subscribing to the stock of pritance; and I was compelled to retain them for that pur- vate associations. Positive experience, and a more thopose. I now avail myself of this early opportunity to re-rough consideration of the subject, have convinced me of turn them to the Houses in which they respectively ori- the impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investginated, with the reasons which, a'ter mature delibera- ments. All improvements effected by the funds of the tion, compel me to withhold my approval. nation, for general use, should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls, or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals, is inconsistent with the object of its institution, and highly impolitic. successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by confining it to the few and simple, but yet important objects for which it was designed.

The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States the expenses incurred by the establishment an I support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, within the bays, inlets, harbors, and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been continued without interruption or dispute.

The

As our foreign commerce increased, and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers, the ultimately change the character of this Government, by sphere of those expenditures received a corresponding consolidating into one the General and State Governenlargement. Light-houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, ments, which were intended to be kept forever distinct. and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial I cannot perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and can be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescrifrom time to time established by law, were authorized bed by the Constitution. If the interest of the Governupon the same principle, and the expense defrayed in the ment in private companies is subordinate to that of indisame manner. That these expenses have at times been viduals, the management and control of a portion of the extravagant and disproportionate, is very probable. The public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the circumstances under which they are incurred, are well Constitution, and beyond the supervision of our consticalculated to lead to such a result, unless their application tuents: if superior, its officers and agents will be conis subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages stantly exposed to imputations of favoritism and oppres arising from the disbursement of public money too fre- sion. Direct prejudice to the public interest, or an alienquently, it is to be feared, invite appropriations for obation of the affections and respect of portions of the jects of this character that are neither necessary nor use people, may, therefore, in addition to the general disful. The number of light-house keepers is already very credit resulting to the Government from embarking with large, and the bill before me proposes to add to it fifty- its constituents in pecuniary speculations, be looked for one more, of various descriptions. From representations as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no anupon the subject which are understood to be entitled to swer to this objection to say that the extent of conse respect, I am induced to believe that there has not only quences like these cannot be great from a limited and been great improvidence in the past expenditures of the small number of investments because experience in Government upon these objects, but that the security of other matters teaches us, and we are not at liberty to navigation has, in some instances, been diminished by the disregard its admonitions, tha', unless an entire stop be multiplication of light-houses, and consequent change of put to them, it will soon be impossible to prevent their lights, upon the coast. It is in this, as in other respects, accumulation, until they are spread over the whole counour duty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as eve. try, and made to embrace many of the private and apry increase of patronage not called for by the public ser-propriate concerns of individuals. vice. But, in the discharge of that duty in this particu- The power which the General Government would ac lar, it must not be forgotton that, in relation to our foreign quire within the several States by becoming the princicommerce, the burden and benefit of protecting and ac-pal stockholder in corporations, controlling every canal commodating it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom house. It is indisputable, that whatever gives facility and security to navigation, cheapens Imports; and all who consume them are alike interested in whatever produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise, they do not The consumer in the most inland State derives the pay. same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign cominerce and navigation, that he does who resides in a ma ritime State. Local expenditures have not, of themselves, a correspondent operation.

From a bill making direct appropriations for such ob

and each sixty or hundred miles of every important road, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almost inconceivable, and, in my view, dangerous to the Hiberties of the people.

This mode of aiding such works is, also, in its nature, deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds. Appropria tions will be obtained with much greater facility, and granted with less security to the public interest, when the measure is thus disguised, than when definite and direct expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular objects. In a Government like ours, more especially, should all

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