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consider it either honest or wise to purchase local favor at the sacrifice of principle and the general good.

public acts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the approbation or animadversion of the people. The So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Port- satisfied that the best interests of our common country land canal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty imperiously require that the course which I have recɔmof withholding additional appropriations for the same ob-mended in this regard should be adopted, I have, upon ject, when the first erroneous step has been taken by in- the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. stituting a partnership between the Government and pri It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that vate companies. It proposes a third subscription on the I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must part of the United States, when each preceding one was at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right at the time regarded as the extent of the aid which Go- of the Executive to withhold his assent from bills on other vernment was to render to that work; and the accompa- grounds than their unconstitutionality. That this right nying bill for light-houses, &c. contains an appropriation should not be exercised on slight occasions, all will adfor a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its mit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the improvement, by removing the obstruction which the ca- principle involved may be justly regarded as next in im nal is designed to avoid. This improvement, if success-portance to infractions of the Constitution itself, that ful, would afford a free psssage to the river, an I render such a step can be expected to meet with the approbathe canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the tion of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientionscourse of legislation subject, in relation to internal imly believe the present to be. In the discharge of this provements on local matters, even with the best inten-delicate and highly responsible duty, I am sustained by tions on the part of Congress. the reflection that the exercise of this power has beca

Although the motives which have influenced me in this deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by matter may be already sufficiently stated, I am, never- several of my predecessors; and by the persuasion, too, theless, induced by its importance to add a few observa-that, whatever liberal institutions may have to fear from tions of a general character. the encroachments of Executive power, which has been

In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions every where the cause of so much strife and bloody couto the Maysville and Rockville Road Companies, I ex-tention, but little danger is to be apprehended from a prepressed my views fully in regard to the power of Concedent by which that authority denies to itself the exer gress to construct roads and canals within a State, or to cise of powers that bring in their train influence and pa. appropriate money for improvements of a local character. tronage of great extent; and thus excludes the operation 1, at the same time, intimated my belief that the right to of personal interests, every where the bane of official make appropriations for such as were of a national cha- trust. I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from racter had been so generally acted upon, and so long the reflection, that, if 4 have mistaken the interests and acquiesced in by the Federal and State Governments, and wishes of the people, the Constitution affor Is the means the constituents of each, as to justify its exercise on the of soon redressing the error, by selecting for the place ground of continued and uninterrupted usage; but that it their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opiwas, nevertheless, highly expedient that appropriations, n'ons may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean even of that character, should, with the exception made time, the interests of the nation will be saved from preat the time, be deferred until the national debt is paid,judice, by a rigid application of that portion of the publis and that, in the mean while, some general rule for the action of the Government in that respect ought to be esta

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funds which might otherwise be applied to different on jects to that highest of all our obligations, the paymest of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for the adoption of some better rule for the operations of the Government in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon.

These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question then before me; and were, I readily ad mit, intended to awaken the attention, and draw forth the opinions and observations, of our constituents, upon a subject of the highest importance to their interests, and one destined to exert a powerful influence upon the future operations of our political system. I know of no tribunal to which a public man in this country, in a case of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater advantage or mor propriety, than the judgment of the people; an although I must necessarily, in the discharge of my offcial duties, be governed by the dictates of my own judg. ment, have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform, as far as I can, to the views of those for whom I act. All irregular expressions of public opinion are of necessity atten led with some doubt as to their accuracy: but, making full allowances on that account, I cannot, I think, deccive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as The general ground of my objection to local appropri well as the suggestions which I allowed myself to make ations has been heretofore expressed; and I shali ondcain relation to their bearing upon the future operations vor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urgetof the Government, have been approved by the great bo- the importance of sustaining the State sovereignties, as dy of the people. That those whose immediate pecuniary far as is consistent with the rightful action of the Federal interests are to be affected by proposed expenditures Government, and of preserving the greatest attamable should shrink from the application of a rule which pre-harmony between them. I will now only add an expresfers their more general and remote interests to those which are personal and immediate, is to be expected. But even such objections must, from the nature of our population, be but temporary in their duration; and if it were otherwise, our course should be the same, for the time is yet, I hope, far distant, when those entrusted with power to be exercised for the good of the whole, will

Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject, not merely as it relates to the general prosperity of the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I che not avoid repeating my earnest hope that all good citezens, who take a proper interest in the success and ho mony of our admirable political institutions; and who ar incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state ci things into means for the gratification of personal ambr tion-will, laying aside minor considerations, and discarding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle, which shall be calcalated to effect the greatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford the least ground for sectional discontent.

sion of iny conviction-a conviction which every day's experience serves to confirm-that the political creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which we must alone look for its future stability.

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That there are diversities in the interests of the differ- They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, ent States which compose this extensive confederacy, on the following grounds: 1st, an objection to the ratio must be admitted. Those diversities, arising from situa- of distribution; 24, an apprehension that the existence of tion, climate, population, and pursuits, are doubtless, as such a regulation would produce improvident and oppresit is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by jea-sive taxation to raise the funds for distribution; 3d, that lousies, and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neigh the mode proposed would lead to the construction of horing communities. These circumstances make it the works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as are duty of those who are entrusted with the management of general, and as would consequently be of a more useful its affairs to neutralize their effects as far as practicable, character; and, last, that it would create a discreditable by making the beneficial operation of the Federal Go and injurious dependence, on the part of the State Government as equal an equitable among the several vernments, upon the federal power. Of those who obStates as can be done consistently with the great ends of ject to the ratio of representation as the basis of distribuits institution. tion, some insist that the importations of the respective It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts, to see States would constitute one that would be more equitahow far the past acts of the Government upon the sub-ble; and others, again, that the extent of their respecject under consideration have fallen short of this object.tive territories would furnish a standard which would be The expenditures heretofore made for internal improve ments amount to upwards of five millions of dollars, and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projected and partially surveyed, amount to more than ninety-six millions of dollars.

That such improvements, on account of particular circumstances, may be more advantageously and beneficial→ly made in some States than in others, is doubtless true; but that they are of a character which should prevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several States, is not to be conceded. The want of this equita#ble distribution cannot fail to prove a prolific source of irritation amongst the States.

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more expedient, and sufficiently equitable. The ratio of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether the funds to be distributed De derived from the customs or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that its adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution, proper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution be confined to one ground. It may, if, in the judgment of those whose right it is to fix it, it be deemed politic and just to give it that character, have regard to several.

In my first message, I stated it to be my opinion that We have it constantly before our eyes, that professions" it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff' upon of superior zeal in the cause of internal improvement, and principles satisfactory to the people of the Union, will, a disposition to lavish the public funds upon objects of until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government withthat character, are daily and earnestly put forth by aspi- out a considerable surplus in the treasury beyond what rants to power, as constituting the highest claims to the may be required for its current service.” I have had no E confidence of the people. Would it be strange, under cause to change that opinion, but much to confirm it. such circumstances, and in times of great excitement, Should these expectations be realized, a suitable fund that grants of this description should find their motives in would thus be produced for the plan under consideration objects which may not accord with the public good? to operate upon; and if there be no such fund, its adopThose who have not had occasion to see and regret the tion will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past for I cannot assent to the justness of the apprehension times, have been more fortunate than myself in their ob- that the establishment of the proposed system would tend servation of the course of public affairs. If to these evils to the encouragement of improvident legislation of the be added the combinations and angry contentions to character supposed. Whatever the proper authority, in which such a course of things gives rise, with their bale- the exercise of constitutional power, shall, at any time ful influences upon the legislation of Congress touching hereafter, decide to be for the general good, will, in that the leading and appropriate duties of the Federal Go-as in other respects, deserve and receive the acquiesvernment, it was but doing justice to the character of our cence and support of the whole country; and we have people to expect the severe condemnation of the past ample security that every abuse of power in that regard, which the recent exhibition of public sentiment has evinced. by the agents of the people, will receive a speedy and Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the effectual corrective at their hands. The views which I Government upon the subject, can, in my opinion, reme- take of the future, founded on the obvious and increasing y the evil. If, as it would be natural to expect, the improvement of all classes of our fellow citizens, in intelSlates which have been least favored in past appropria-ligence, and in public and private virtue, leave me withtions should insist on being redressed in those hereafter out much apprehension on that head. to be made, at the expense of the States which have so largely and disproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quar ter to another.

Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus funds which may at any time remain in the treasury after the national debt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to the number of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement.

Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, it has also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration. A brief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded as out of place.

I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as

much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burdens; and as sensible of the great truth, that the resources of the nation, beyond those required for the immediate and necessary purposes of Government, can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people.

It may sometimes happen that the interests of particular States would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvement within such States. But, if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might be reserved to Congress to direct, to such improvements of a general character as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of confining to each State the ex

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penditure of its appropriate quota. It may, however, be assumed as a safe general rule, that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their | inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole. The strength, as well as the true glory, of the confederacy, is mainly founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed, and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful, active co operation, through the agency of the Federal Government.

It is, moreover, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant with public affairs, that schemes of in ternal improvement have, from time to time, been pro posed, which, from their extent and seeming magnifi cence, were regarded as of national concernment; but which, upon fuller consideration and further experience, would now be rejected with great unanimity.

general weal. Unless the American people have dege. nerated, the same result can be again effected, whenever experience points out the necessity of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared. It is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like ours, or any other, operate with precise equality upon States situated like those which compose this Confederacy; nor is inequality always injustice. Every State cannot expect to shape the measures of the General Government to suit its own particular interests. The causes which prevent it are scated in the nature of things, and cannot be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance, therefore, becomes a duty obligatory upon all, and we may, I am confident, count on a cheet. ful compliance with this high injunction, on the part of our constituents. It is nat to be supposed that they will object to make such comparatively inconsiderable sacti fices for the preservation of rights and privileges, which other less favored portions of the world have in vain wad ed through seas of blood to acquire.

Our course is a safe one, if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority, and the exercise of that will in a spint of moderation, justice, and brotherly kindness, will con stitute a cement which would forever preserve our Union. Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these, render a most essential service to their country; whilst those who seek to weaken their influence, are, however conscientious and praiseworthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies.

That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certainty; and that the moneys set apart for these purposes would be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the direction of the State Legislatures, in which every part of each State is immediately represented, cannot, I think, be doubted. In the new States particularly, where a comparatively small population is scattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress consequently very limited, it is natural to expect that the appropriations made by the Federal Government would be more If the intelligence and influence of the country, inlikely to be expended in the vicinity of those members stead of laboring to foment sectional prejudices, to be through whose immediate agency they were obtained, made subservient to party warfare, were, in good faith, than if the funds were placed under the control of the applied to the eradication of causes of local discontent, Legislature, in which every county of the State has its by the improvement of our institutions, and by facilitat own representative. This supposition does not necessa ing their adaptation to the condition of the times, this rily impugn the motives of such Congressional represen-task would prove one of less difficulty. May we not tatives, nor is it so intended. We are all sensible of the hope that the obvious interests of our common country, bias to which the strongest minds and purest hearts are, and the dictates of an enlightened patriotism, will, in the under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the last end, lead the public mind in that direction. objection, its probable effect upon the dignity and inde- After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a pendence of the State Governments, it appears to me on-plan wholly free from objection. That which has for ly necessary to state the case as it is, and as it would be if some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that the measure proposed were adopted, to show that the could exist; and every advance that can be made in its operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most which the objection supposes. deliberate attention.

In the one case, the State would receive its quota of Its very possible that one better calculated to effect the national revenue for domestic use, upon a fixed prin- the objects in view may yet be devised. If so, it is to be ciple, as a matter of right, and from a fund to the creation hoped that those who disapprove of the past, and dis of which it had itself contributed its fair propertion. sent from what is proposed for the future, will feel it the Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As duty to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensi matters now stand, the States themselves, in their sove-ble that, unless some fixed rule for the action of the Fe reign character, are not unfrequen ly petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislature for such allowances out of the national treasury as it may comport with their pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It cannot require argument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the State Governments.

deral Government in this respect is established, the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon the subject-which shall best serve to keep the movements of the Federal Government within the sphere intended by those who modelled and those who adopted it-which shall lead to the extinguishment of the national debt in the shortest period, and impose the lightest burdens up on our constituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm support.

But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate consideration. That the desired adjustment would be attended with difficulty, affords no reason why it should not be attempted. The effective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption of the Constitu Among the objects of great national concern, I cannot tion under which we have so long lived, and under the omit to press again upon your attention that part of the benign influence of which our beloved country has so Constitution which regulates the election of President signally prospered. The framers of that sacred instru- and Vice President. The necessity for its amendment is ment had greater difficulties to overcome, and they did made so clear to my mind by the observation of its evils, overcome them. The patriotism of the people, directed and by the many able discussions which they have elicit by a deep conviction of the importance of the Union, pro-ed on the floor of Congress and elsewhere, that I shouk duced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strict right was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result has consecrated their disinterested devotion to the

be wanting to my duty were I to withhold another expression of my deep solicitude upon the subject. Ou system fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first prin

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ciples, differing, in this respect, from all that have precommendation, with an increased confidence that its ceded it, and securing it, I trust, equally against the de adoption will strengthen those checks by which the Concay and the commotions which have marked the prostitution designed to secure the independence of each gress of other Governments. Our fellow-citizens, too, department of the Government, and promote the health. who, in proportion to their love of liberty, keep a steadyful and equitable administration of all the trusts which it eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to be has created. The agent most likely to contravene this reminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy design of the Constitution is the Chief Magistrate. In all essential defects in so vital a part of their system. order, particularly, that his appointment may, as far as While they are sensible that every evil attendant upon possible, be placed beyond the reach of any improper its operation is not necessarily indicative of a bad organi- influences; in order that he may approach the solemn rezation, but may proceed from temporary causes, yet the sponsibilities of the highest office in the gift of a free habitual presence, or even a single instance of evils people, uncommitted to any other course than the strict which can be clearly traced to an organic defect, will not, line of constitutional duty; and that the securities for 1 trust, be overlooked through a too scrupulous venera- this independence may be rendered as strong as the nation for the work of their ancestors. The Constitution ture of power, and the weakness of its possessor, will was an experiment committed to the virtue and intell- admit, I cannot too earnestly invite your attention to the gence of the great mass of our countrymen, in whose propriety of promoting such an amendment of the Con ranks the framers of it themselves were to perform the stitution as will render him ineligible after one term of part of patriotic observation and scrutiny; and if they service. have passed from the stage of existence with an increas ed confidence in its general adaptation to our condition, we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying the points in it which time proves to be exposed, rather than be deterred from approaching them by the suggestions of fear, or the dictates of misplaced rever

ence.

It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress that the benevolent policy of the Government, steadily pursued for nearly thirty years, in relation to the removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements, is approaching to a happy consummation. Two important tribes have accepted the provision made for their removal at the last session of Congress; and it is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes, also, to seek the same obvious advantages.

A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of their Chief Magistrate, but has a tendency to defeat their will, presented to my mind such an incon- The consequences of a speedy removal will be im. sistency with the general spirit of our institutions, that I portant to the United States, to individual States, and to was induced to suggest for your consideration the substi- the Indians themselves. The pecuniary advantages which tute which appeared to me at the same time the most it promises to the Government are the least of its relikely to correct the evil and to meet the views of our commendations. It puts an end to all possible danger constituents. The most mature reflection since has added of collision between the authorities of the General and strength to the belief that the best interests of our coun- State Governments, on account of the Indians. It will try require the speedy adoption of some plan calculated place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of to effect this end. A contingency which sometimes pla- country now occupied by a few savage hunters. By ces it in the power of a single member of the House of opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the Representatives to decide an election of so high and so-north, and Louisiana on the south, to the settlement of lemn a character, is unjust to the people, and becomes, the whites, it will incalculably strengthen the southwest. when it occurs, a source of embarrassment to the indivi- ern frontier, and render the adjacent States strong duals thus brought into power, and a cause of distrust of enough to repel future invasion without remote aid. It the representative body. Liable as the confederacy is, will relieve the whole State of Mississippi, and the from its great extent, to parties founded upon sectional western part of Alabama, of Indian occupancy, and enainterests, and to a corresponding multiplication of candi- ble those States to advance rapidly in population, wealth, dates for the Presidency, the tendency of the constitu- and power. It will separate the Indians from immediate tional reference to the House of Representatives, is, to contact with settlements of whites; free them from the devolve the election upon that body in almost every in- power of the States; enable them to pursue happiness stance, and, whatever choice may then be made among in their own way, and under their own rude institutions; the candidates thus presented to them, to swell the influ- will retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their ence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with numbers; and perhaps cause them gradually, under the the general good. The consequences of this feature of protection of the Government, and through the influence the Constitution appear far more threatening to the peace of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits, and beand integrity of the Union than any which I can conceive come an interesting, civilized, and Christian community. as likely to result from the simple legislative action of the These consequences, some of them so certain, and the Federal Government. rest so probable, make the complete execution of the It was a leading object with the framers of the Con-plan sanctioned by Congress at their last session an object stitution to keep as separate as possible the action of the Legislative and Executive branches of the Go- Toward the aborigines of the country no one can invernment. To secure this object, nothing is more dulge a more friendly feeling than myself, or would go essential than to preserve the former from the temp further in attempting to reclaim them from their wandertations of private interest, and, therefore, so to directing habits, and make them a happy and prosperous peothe patronage of the latter as not to permit such temp-ple. I have endeavored to impress upon them my own tations to be offered. Experience abundantly demon- solemn convictions of the duties and powers of the Gestrates that every precaution in this respect is a valuable neral Government in relation to the State authorities. safeguard of liberty, and one which my reflections upon For the justice of the laws passed by the States within the tendencies of our system incline me to think should the scope of their reserved powers, they are not responbe made still stronger. It was for this reason that, in sible to this Government. As individuals, we may enterconnexion with an amendment of the Constitution, re-tain and express our opinions of their acts; but, as a Gomoving all intermediate agency in the choice of the Pre-vernment, we have as little right to control them as we sident, I recommended some restrictions upon the re-eli- have to prescribe laws to foreign nations. gibility of that officer, and upon the tenure of offices ge With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw nerally. The reason still exists; and I renew the re-land Chickasaw tribes have, with great unanimity, deter

VOL. VII-B.

of much solicitude.

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mined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the act of Congress, and have agreed to remove beyond the Mississippi river. Treaties have been made with them, which, in due season, will be submitted for consideration. In negotiating these treaties, they were made to understand their true condition; and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the Western forests to submitting to the laws of the States in which they now reside. These treaties being probably the last which will ever be made with them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of the Government. They give the Indians a liberal sum in consideration of their removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoida- | bly have been subject in Alabama and Mississippi.

Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country; and philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising means to avert it. But its progress has never for a moment been arrested; and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the earth. To follow to the tomb the last of his race, and to tread on the graves of extinct nations, excites melancholy reflections. But true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes, as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the monuments and fortresses of an unknown people, spread over the extensive regions of the West, we behold the memorials of a once powerful race, which was exterminated, or has disappeared, to make room for the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this, which, upon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race, is to be regretted. "Philanthropy could not wish to see this continent restore to the condition *in which it was found by our forefathers. What good man would prefer a country covered with forests, and ranged by a few thousand savages, to our extensive republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms; embellished with all the improvements which art can devise, or industry execute; occupied by more than twelve millions of happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion!

tory, to pay the expense of his removal, and support him a year in his new abole? How many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the west on such conditions! If the offers made to the Indians were extended to them, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy.

And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home, than the settled, civilized Christian? Is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers, than it is to our brothers and chil dren? Rightly considered, the policy of the General Government towards the red man is not only liberal but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the States, and mingle with their population. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utter annihilation, the General Government kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement.

In the consummation of a policy originating at an early period, and steadily pursued by every administration within the present century-so just to the States, and so generous to the Indians, the Executive feels it has a right to expect the co-operation of Congress, and of all good and disinterested men. The States, moreover, have a right to demand it. It was substantially a part of the com pact which made them members of our confederacy. With Georgia, there is an express contract; with the new States, an implied one, of equal obligation. Why, in authorizing Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississip pi, and Alabama, to form constitutions, and become sepa rate States, did Congress include within their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes? Was it not understood by both parties that the power of the States was to be co-exten sive with their limits, and that, with all convenient des patch, the General Government should extinguish the Indian title, and remove every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction of the State Governments over the soil Probably not one of those States would have accepted a separate existence-certainly it would never have been granted by Congress-had it been understood that they were to be confined forever to those small portions of their nominal territory, the Indian title to which had at the time been extinguished.

It is, therefore, a duty which this Government owes to the new States, to extinguish, as soon as possible, the Indian title to all lands which Congress themselves have i cluded within their limits. When this is done, the du ties of the General Government in relation to the States and Indians within their limits are at an end. The In dians may leave the State or not, as they choose. The purchase of their lands does not alter, in the least, their personal relations with the State Government. No act of the General Government has ever been deemed neces sary to give the States jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians. That they possess, by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits, in as full a manner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands; nor can this Government add to or diminish it.

The present policy of the Government is but a continuation of the same progressive change, by a milder process. The tribes which occupied the countries now constituting the Eastern States were annihilated, or have melted away, to make room for the whites. The waves of population and civilization are rolling to the Westward and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the red men of the South and West, by a fair exchange, and, at the expense of the U. States, to send them to a land where their existence may be prolonged, and perhaps made perpetual. Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but what do they more than our ancestors did, or than our children are now doing? To better their condition in an unknown land, our forefathers left all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children, by thousands, yearly leave the land of their birth, to seek new homes in distant regions. Does humanity weep at these painful separations from every thing, animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has become entwined? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind, developing the power and faculties of man in their highest perfection. These remove hundreds, and almost thousands of miles, at their own expense, purchase the lands they oc Among the numerous causes of congratulation, the cupy, and support themselves at their new home from condition of our impost revenue deserves special men the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in this Go- tion, inasmuch as it promises the means of extinguishing vernment, when, by events which it cannot control, the the public debt sooner than was anticipated, and furnishi Indian is made discontented in his ancient home, to pur-es a strong illustration of the practical effects of the pre chase his lands, to give him a new and extensive terri-sent tariff upon our commercial interests.

May we not hope,therefore,that all good citizens,and none more zealously than those who think the Indians oppres sed by subjection to the laws of the States, will unite a attempting to open the eyes of those children of the forest to their true condition, and, by a speedy removal, to relieve them from the evils, real or imaginary, present or prospective, with which they may be supposed to be threatened.

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