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this writing, we shall not come to any agreement on this matter at all.

"The same firm is offering us now a new system of work, the "bonus" system. It is a sort of week work with additional bonuses for the amount of work produced. We have not accepted this proposition."

ST. LOUIS CLOAKMAKERS, LOCAL NO. 78

Brother Ben. Gilbert, organizer, writes: "The season ended a little sooner than most cloakmakers expected, yet, on the whole, it was quite satisfactory. In some shops the earnings were very good and our men had little to complain of. But when the slack period came, some employers began to annoy the price committees and some of the more active members, and in some instances attempts were made to get rid of them. These employers figured that the workers would be glad to have fewer men in the shops now that there was little work, but they soon saw their mistake. The workers in all the shops decided to do whatever work there was on a co-operative basis, share and share alike, and divide the earnings among themselves. So the employers gave up their designs pretty soon and left our people alone.

"One firm, however, Lyel & Seltzer, locked out their workers soon after the season ended. The foreman announced to the men that they would be called back by letters whenever they would be wanted, but, at the same time he attempted to persuade a few operators to come back to work, with promises that they would be well taken care of. Seeing that the men were not willing to consent to these plans, he sent for a committee and announced that he was willing to employ all his operators except those who had in the past "kicked" against the firm, namely, the shop chairman and the price committee. We promptly let him. know that no one would return to work unless all came up together, even if we had to stay out until the next season. That settled the controversy and the men all went back to the shop to work on the co-operative basis.

"We expect Brother Seidman from Chicago here on November 22nd to address a general meeting of our members."

NEW YORK WAIST AND DRESSMAKERS' UNION, LOCAL NO. 25

A correspondent writes:

"On Monday, November 26th, the Waistmakers' Union, Local No. 25, was to meet in conference with representatives of the Dress and Waist Manufacturers' Association, to consider new demands of wages and hours for all the workers in the industry-waistmakers, cutters and buttonhole

makers.

"The waistmakers are in the same position as the rest of the workers throughout the country whose wage schedules have remained stationary, while the cost of living has been steadily soaring upwards. Early in 1916 the waistmakers secured slightly improved conditions, but those conditions were supposed to cover normal developments of that time, as the workers never enjoy such big wages as to enable them to earn a decent livelihood from the short seasons that hardly ever exceed six or seven months in the year.

"Since that time abnormal conditions have arisen. The cost of living is almost prohibitive to wage-earners, and in many industries employers have increased wages regardless of agreements and fixed schedules. The agreement of the waistmakers is in force until January 1, 1919, but unusual circumstances call for a revision of the wage provisions, and the waistmakers request an increase of 25 per cent. in wages and a fortyeight hour week instead of forty-nine hours.

"The protocol agreement, as amended in February, 1917, by the Board of Arbitration, expressly provides:

"That the agreement when completed shall remain in full force and effect for a term of two years from and after the 1st day of January, 1917, and thereafter for successive periods of two years, unless written notice of the termination shall be given by one party to the other as hereinafter provided. During such period of two years no change in the terms thereof shall be made without the consent of both parties, except only: First. In case of some great emergency affecting either the specific industry or business conditions generally in the country; the Board of Aribtration shall be the sole judges of the existence or nonexistence of such great emergency; and

"Second: Even in the absence of such great emergency, wages, base rates and hours of labor shall be subject to revision upward or downward by the Board of Arbitration, provided notice of application therefor shall be given by one party to the other

not later than the first day of November in any year.

"The union also claims that the association 'has failed to send lists of workers employed by its members as provided in the protocol' and 'requests that the union be given the right to send its representatives into the shops'; and further, that the 'association, in the majority of cases, has utterly failed to register with the union the factories of its members as provided in the protocol, and the cases in which such factories have been registered have proved that the registration provision is inadequate to meet the situation.'

"The union notified the association that it is intended to bring these matters before the Board of Arbitration and requests that such further provisions be made in respect to the subject of contractors, sub-contractors and subsidiary shops as the board may deem best.

"Another request to come before the conference was:

"(a) The adoption of a definite method which should, as much as possible, obviate the necessity on the part of the workers to report for work and to remain in attendance in their shop at such time during the slow seasons in which there shall be no work for them in the shop.

"(b) A final adjustment between the union and the association in re; the Board of Protocol Standards.

"Failing agreement in

conference all these questions would be submitted to the Board of Arbitration, consisting of Julian W. Mack of Chicago, Chairman; Judge Henry Marcus of Buffalo, representing the employers and Robert W. Bruere representing the Union.

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ready reported by Miss' Fannia Cohn in the November issue-Ed.), fifty men and women employed in one of the largest petticoat factories in Boston, who had never belonged to a union, walked out on strike, as a protest against the conditions under which they had to work. They had heard of the Waist and Dressmakers' Union, so they came to our office and asked us to help them conduct the fight against their employer. They worked fifty-four hours a week, got very small pay, and, while the cost of living was continually rising, their employer kept continually cutting their earnings. The workers had no redress against these conditions, for if any one had been bold enough to complain he would be either grossly insulted or discharged. They all finally decided to walk down and stay out until the employer would recognize their collective strength.

"When a representative of Local No. 49 went to see the firm in regard to the walkout, the firm said that they would concede hours and wages, but under no circumstances would they deal with the workers collectively. This was reported to the strikers, but they refused absolutely to go back to work unless the employer would recognize their union, for they now understood that their conditions could not be improved permanently unless the force of the union was behind them. A picket line was thrown around the shop, and the strike lasted. for nearly five weeks. We notified the International Office and Brother Baroff came the following Thursday.

"In the meantime the strikers, with the aid of the members of our local, not only picketed their own shop but sent committees to the other large shops and agitated among the workers to come and hear the message of Brother Baroff. This first meeting of the petticoat workers was a striking success, as all the large shops were represented. Secretary Baroff told them that the International would support their fight and would do all in its power to help organize the petticoat workers. This assurance was the signal for much enthusiasm; the idea of unionism spread quickly through the entire trade, breaking down all opposition that the employers could put forward to stop the movement.

"Miss Fannia Cohn, Vice-President of the

International, was sent here from New York, and during the week and a half that she remained in Boston she did very useful and effective work for us. The local manufacturers of petticoats got together and contributed large sums of money to the struck firm in the hope of crushing the strike and extinguishing the spirit of unionism among the workers. But this did not help the employers. Their workers kept flocking to the union. The State Board of Arbitration and Conciliation took up the matter, but after a lengthy conference with both sides they could not affect a settlement. The strike was then in its third week. "At the end of the fourth week Local No. 49 sent a committee to New York, requesting Brother Schlesinger to come to Boston and try to settle the strike. President Schlesinger arrived in Boston on the fifth week of the strike. He conferred with the firm and also with the two other large firms whose shops were nearly seventy-five per cent. organized, and succeeded in reaching an agreement with these three firms upon the following basis: forty-eight hours a week, a fifteen per cent. flat increase for all workers, preferential union shop and arbitration proceedings for the settlement of all disputes. The smaller shops are now being organized. Upon the request of the petticoat workers Local 49 has received them as members and organized them as a branch of the Local, with a membership of 300 or 350. "The Central Labor Union and the Women's Trade Union League of Boston, did wonderful work toward bringing the strike to a successful issue. It was Brother Baroff's presence at the beginning of the strike which gave the workers the courage and the nerve to carry on the fight for nearly five weeks, and it was Brother Schlesinger's arrival in the fifth week of the strike which finally determined the issue.

"A great deal of the success of this movement is due to the Waist and Dressmakers' Union, which not only put its treasury at their disposal, but also appointed committees to help carry on the work and picket the shop. Many of its members were arrested.

"Boston is now the first city to organize the petticoat workers, and a point of interest in this situation is that the workers are agitating for the union label of the I. L. G. W. U."

WORCESTER WAIST AND WHITE GOODS WORKERS, LOCAL NO. 43 Sarah Hurwitz, visiting organizer from Boston, writes as follows:

"In regard to the situation in Worcester, I can only say that they workers have very poor conditions. They work fifty-two hours a week and get very low wages; the highest a girl gets is $12 a week, and the majority of them get from $5 to $6 weekly.

"During the week of my stay in Worcester I have attended several shop meetings, and my information comes straight from the people who have attended the meetings. Two years ago they had a strike and gained a 10 per cent increase. At that time some were working for $4 and $5 a week, and many are still earning this amount. Other conditions are the same as in non-union shops, and they have no one to attend to their complaints, as they have a small local and can not afford to pay anyone to work for them. Their employers do not recognize any of the workers who want to deal with them collectively.

"At the shop meetings that I attended chairladies and price committees were elected and they have started to settle prices on new styles. Of course, the employers, not being accustomed to such things, refused to deal with them, and that caused a lot of trouble. In some shops they stopped work for two and three days. They simply sat around and did nothing, as is usually done in these shops when the workers are dissatisfied with the prices. This encouraged me a great deal, as it showed that the workers knew their business and that it would not be hard to better their conditions if the International would help them."

CHILDREN'S DRESSMAKERS' UNION, LOCAL NO. 50

By a Correspondent

"In 1916 the Children's Dressmakers Union, after a prolonged strike, entered into an agreement with the Children's Dress Manufacturers' Association, which granted upion conditions of wages and hours, guaranteed preference to members of the union and other improvements. The agreement was to be in force for three years, and it was agreed that beginning with January, 1917 and 1918, all week workers should receive an increase of $1.00 a week.

“This year, in view of abnormal conditions, the union, acting for all the workers, including the cutters and button hole makers, has presented a request for a 20 per cent. increase of wages for the workers in all branches and a forty-eight hour week.

"Conferences with the employers were held during last month, at which President Schlesinger and Secretary Baroff were present, but at the time of this writing no definite report was at hand. In the meantime Local No. 50 is arranging shop meetings of the workers in the independent shops-whose agreements expire in December All the conditions agreed upon with the association `will also be enforced in the non-association shops."

LADIES' GARMENT WORKERS OF WINNIPEG, CAN., LOCAL NO. 32 Brother William Baum, Secretary of the local, writes:

"The workers of our trade in Winnipeg have won a victory. To our operators this victory is important, largely because they have now, once for all time, abolished the system of machine lining, the main point against which we fought all this time.

"Until the last strike the operators in all shops had to turn out the coat almost completely ready; the lining and other parts, had to be made on the machine. This injured our finishers and affected our organization. The finishers always complained that the operators took their work away from them. The matter was a frequent subject of complaint in our local, and at our meetings loud expression of discontent was heard on account of this system. The finishers also had another grievance directly due to this method of work. It gave the employer the opportunity to fire the girl finisher for the least offense on the excuse that he had not enough work for her, even though the real cause was that she was just trying to live up to the rules of our union.

"So when we finally struck, we presented the demand for the abolition of this system in the first line. It struck our employers like a bolt from the clear sky; they discovered in it a dreadful conspiracy and vowed not to concede it under any circumstances, feeling safe that we could not stand a prolonged strike and that our endurance would soon be broken. As is always the case, they stopped at nothing to shatter the

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solidarity within our ranks. They plotted to poison the minds of one member against another and to bring about disruption amongst us. But all this proved of little avail and they had to concede to our demands.

"The concession will bring a lasting benefit to our local here. We still have a number of problems to solve, such as the scale of wages, piece work and other matters. The future will take care of all these things, but at present we feel content with our local achievements, and hope for better things.

"We express our thanks to all the locals of our International who have helped us financially during this strike."

Want Cheap Food.

Washington, Dec. 1.-Thousands of government workers have begun a campaign through the Federal Employes' union affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, urging that a petition be forwarded to Congress and the secretaries of war and navy, asking that government clerks be given the right to buy goods and foodstuffs at the army and navy commissaries.

Should the employes succeed in their desire, it would mean that they could take advantage of the low prices quoted on commodities purchased by the government. The head of the family, if prudently buying from army and navy commissaries, could place his family on army rations at 40 cents a day for each person. The matter was referred to the advisory committee for a report and recommendation at the next meeting.

THE LADIES' GARMENT WORKER Official Organ of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union

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COMPLETE EQUALITY BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN

By Fannia M. Cohn.

At last the women of New York State have become full citizens.

More than half a million men of this State, particularly working men, have realized that it is in their interest that working women should have equal political rights.

Every thinking workman should help to do away with the restrictions on the rights of working women and aid their struggle for a freer, better and nobler life. This really means, aiding the mighty movement for the complete emancipation of the working class of which woman is an important part.

It is to the interest of every thinking working man to encourage the woman in her struggle for complete emancipation. He should let her benefit by his experience gained in his ages-long conflict with the rulers over his industrial and spiritual life. This conflict is rich in events and incidents which for working women is a source of inspiration.

The working man does not benefit from the exploitation by the employers of the women workers in industry. On the contrary, the employers use them as a means of defeating the men in their efforts to improve conditions.

This conpetition between men and women must be abolished once and for all, not because it is immoral, yes, inhuman, but because it is impractical, it does not pay.

Working men must become alive to the fact that in a world where an unnatural difference is made between the sexes, even if this difference is in favor of one sex or the other, men and women cannot be really happy.

It is easier and pleasanter to live in a house every member of which bears an equal responsibility for its management.

Rights bring duties with them. No man or woman has a right to enjoy the benefit of organization, be it a trade or political organization, unless he or she participates in its management.

The victory of the women in New York State must brace them to continue the educational work in the struggle for the extension of their rights. Woman's desire

for political equality only touches the fringe of the entire woman question, or, as it is sometimes called, "Feminism."

All right-thinking women must strive toward bringing about a revolution in the thought of society in regard to woman. They must influence society to free itself completely from the unnatural and artificially created prejudices against woman.

One of the unjust laws is that pertaining to the citizenship of women. Thus, for instance, every unmarried woman can become a citizen after five years sojourn in this country. She also becomes a citizen by virtue of the citizenship of her father, brother or husband. If through any crime or misdemeanor the law deprives them of citizenship their women dependents similarly lose this right even though they had no part in the crime.

Such laws are unjust and unreasonable. Men would not tolerate a law making them dependent for their civic rights on their wives or sisters.

Neither should women tolerate this law, which places them on the level of the serf in the middle ages. This law must be speedily abolished.

There is a list of prospective labor legislation which the organized workers aim to bring into effect in the legislatures of the country, such as old age pensions, workmen's compensation, unemployment insur'ance, etc. But all such legislation is demanded only for men. The interests of working women in this regard are left unprotected.

Now, however, that the women have won suffrage in this city they are in a position to force the elected legislators to see to it that these laws or projects of law shall also apply to them.

Laws may sometimes be abolished by political power, but customs or foolish prejudices will only disappear upon a change taking place in the minds and thoughts of society. The change in regard to their status in society must be brought about by the women themselves. They must become more active in the public life. They should take part in the administration of their trade union. In order that her opinions should

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