FIGHTING THE UNION WITH INJUNCTIONS AND ARRESTS

We are living in strange and contradictory times.

The people who have lived for centuries in Darkest Russia have thrown off the oppressive Romanoffs and have decreed personal liberty and the right to strike. In America, the land of the free since more than a century, harsh jail sentences are passed on men and women for the "crime" of exercising the right to strike, the right to refuse. to work and persuade others not to work under unacceptable conditions.

Some time ago our union started a movement for organizing the women workers in the waist, dress, skirt, white goods and kimono trades in Chicago, which resulted in a great success. We invited the employers to accept a peaceful settlement by meeting the workers' very reasonable demands for working conditions similar to those in other cities. The employers were much inclined to enter into such an arrangement with the union, but at the eleventh hour they were prevailed upon by a notorious strike-breaker, Lewis F. Jacobson, to give the union the cold shoulder. He promised them that he would break the strike in two weeks

by means of injunctions, private detective agents, and wholesale arrests. About 1,400 strikers were arrested, and as many as 250 strikers, leaders and sympathizers have been placed on trial for contempt of court.

The average wages of the workers have been as low as $7.00 a week for women and $9.00 a week for men. An impartial investigation made by a committee of the Women's Church Federation, who had access to the books and records of a number of manufacturers, confirmed the contention of our representatives that the workers have been considerably underpaid. The books of one typical firm disclosed that for a stretch of six months in the height of a recent season the average per week for first-class operators was $10.03, less experienced operators, $8.99; apprentices, $5.52, while cutters received an average of $18.35.

The union persistently offered to submit the questions involved to arbitration. Even at the very trials for contempt of court of the sisters and brothers named below, Clarence Darrow, counsel for the union, invited injunction Judge Baldwin to act as arbitrator in the matter, offering to give

an undertaking that the union would waive its demands for a 20 per cent. increase if the employers' claims should be substantiated. But all this proved unavailing; the employers and the sinister money powers behind them had, it appears, set their minds upon breaking the strike by injunctions, arrests and jail sentences.

That which logic, humane consideration and sound sense does not admit, a court order or a despot's arbitrary rule does grant without much question.

The courts, with rare exception, are proverbially ready to uphold the employers and punish the workers. It seems as if, here and there, judges still live in the seventeenth century. From the manner in which some of them are

To

always ready to deal out severe jail sentences to strikers and pickets, it would seem that the light of civilization and humanity cannot dispel the medieval darkness around them. sentence men and women to jail because they assert their right to withhold their labor power, or because they organize and entrust their destinies in the shops to their union, or because they enlighten the workers and teach them to be independent and get together for their protection, or because they urge them to strike for better conditions-to send workers to jail for acts which are in accordance with recognized conceptions of personal liberty implies minds that harken back to the feudal ages.

Three separate injunctions were issued against the strikers and leaders. These not only enjoined strikers from peaceful picketing, but deprived them. of the right of free speech, the right of breathing a word against the injunction, and many other harmless and legitimate rights.

not to write in favor of the strikers and the public-to withhold sympathy from them. Under the effect of the injunctions the City of Chicago, the second city of the free Republic of the United States, seems more like a sort of darkest Russia before the revolution, so far as the strikers in the waist and skirt industry are concerned.

And many active workers in the strike, including President Schlesinger and Vice-President Seidman, have been charged with contempt of court for the "crime" of being active in the strike, for persisting in speaking words of encouragement to the girls and helping the strikers by word and deed. For these "crimes" Judge Baldwin, on March 21, sentenced Vice-President Steve Sumner, President of the ChiSeidman to jail for 75 days; Brother cago Milk Wagon Drivers' Union, to 70 days for addressing a meeting of strikers; Thomas Harmar, a striker, to sixty days; Lizzie Wexler, a hall-chairman, to thirty days; Eugene Daley, for picketing, twenty days; Edna Kunin. fifteen days; Lizzy Dorfman, ten days. President Schlesinger was held in $2,000 bond to "keep the peace" until May 9. Other strikers were also severely punished for acts that are now free even in Russia, but considered crimes in Chicago.

An appeal was filed immediately, and bail in the total amount of $19,000 was furnished by friends and sympathizers, including Dr. Julius Frankel, Dr. Abraham Frankel, Mr. Epstein and Mr. Hyman Goldberg.

these sentences set aside by a higher tribunal is quite certain. The Chicago Federation of Labor, and its President, John B. Fitzpatrick, have thrown the whole weight of their influence into the fray. The Federation has also issued an appeal for funds to the unions affiliated with this central body.

It is hardly necessary to impress on every member of the International what is his or her duty to the strikers of Chicago and the heroic band of leaders and pickets.

Our people in New York and elsewhere who are in full work in every

branch of trade must strain every nerve to prevent the harsh sentences being carried out. The movement, started on March 14 by the conference of local Executive Boards of Greater New York to collect funds for this strike in all shops and factories, must be kept up without interruption. We say to our members everywhere: keep on contributing to this fund until the employers of Chicago are made to realize that they cannot break the power of the union by injunctions, arrests and harsh jail sentences. You must not fail in your duty in this urgent moment.

The one lesson above all others that this bitter conflict impresses on us is the fact of our dangerous improvidence, our thoughtless unpreparedness. Of course, no one could foresee that the strike in Chicago would take this course, but if we were financially prepared to keep the fighting army on the firing line without fear of hunger, then, strike-breakers, lawyers and prosecutions might do their worst.

Jail sentences and lega! murder of labor leaders have done more to destroy prejudice against trade unions than years of unhindered agitation. The very nature of the injunctions and vindictive penalties imposed in Chicago indicate that the employing class is swayed by unreason and unfairness rather than by force. But the enemies. of labor cannot kill the spirit of trade unionism, though they sometimes temporarily harm its advocates and torchbearers.

All this is quite true. But we should be prepared to ward off such blows.

We cannot expect employers to feel our moral strength. They do not appreciate our heroism and self-sacrifice. They laugh at our devotion to principle. Our unbounded enthusiasm does not convince them; they have no eyes or hearts for such noble qualities. The only consideration that does sway them is the financial resources back of our agitation and enthusiasm. They would fear a million dollars in the treasury of the International more than all the devotion and self-sacrifice we are capable of in a strike. That does not say that we can dispense with devotion and enthusiasm. But these qualities may sometimes be useless without ample financial resources.

Time and time again have our International officers pointed out this thoughtless unpreparedness to the membership. We practically face danger of defeat in every strike. Diplomacy and skillful handling of a situation help us sometimes, particularly when employers are pressed for labor.