The UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE for SEPTEMBER, 1795. 153 An Account of CONINGSBURGH CASTLE, in Yorkshire: With a Perspective View of its venerable Ruins. CONN About this time, according to tradition, here was a caftle, which afterward belonged to king Harold; but whether in his own right, or as king of England, is uncertain. King William the Conqueror bestowed it, with all its jurifdictions, on William de Warrenne, one of the Norman military chiefs that attended him in his expedition into this ifland. As he was a great builder, it is very probable that this castle was re-edified by him. It continued in his family until the reign of king Edward the third, when John earl Warrenne, fettled it, with other lands, upon his concubine, Maud de Nereford, for life; and, after her decease, upon John de Nereford, and his iffue male; or, in default of fuch heirs, upon Thomas de Nereford and his iffue male; which John and Thomas were his natural fons by the faid Maud. In the fecond year of the reign of king Henry the fourth, Edmund de VOL. XCVII. Langley, earl of Cambridge, died feized of it, leaving it to his fon Edward, then earl of Rutland, who became by his death duke of York. He, died alfo poffeffed of this lordship, by the name of the caftle and manor of Coningsburgh; but leaving no iffue, his elates devolved to Richard his nephew, fon of Richard earl of Cambridge, his younger brother. This Richard was named de Coningsburgh, because he was born in this town. From him it came to the crown, probably through king Edward the fourth. It continued in the crown for feveral reigns, till king James the fecond granted it to lord Dover. It became afterward the property of Edward Cook, efq. The calle is feated on the top of a fteep knoll, covered with wood, at the bottom of which flows the navigable river Dun. The entrance was by a drawbridge over a deep fofs that environs it. The walls are feemingly circular, and have the remains of four fmail rounders. The keep is very fingular: a lofty round tower, seven yards in diameter, within; on the outfide, divided and ftrengthened by fix great fquare buttreffes, that run from the top to the bottom: toward the bottom both buttreffes expand fo as to give greater ftrength to the bate. The door is a great height from the bottom, and acceffible by a flight of thirty-three steps from the outfide. It feems of more modern work than the tower; fo that, probably, there had been a drawbridge from fome wall to this entrance. The floor is on a level with this door: in the middle is a hole opening into a noifome dungeon, which is of a va depth: at the bottom, a draw-well. There have been two other floors, above, now deftroyed; to each was a fireplace; and the chimney pieces fupported by pillars, with neat capitals, yet remain. The mafonry of this caftle is fine; but the mortar confifts of earth, charcoal, U The HISTORY of KNOWLEDGE, LEARNING, and TASTE, in Great Britain, during the Reign of King JAMES the First. Part the Second. [From the New Annual Regifler for the Year 1794. ] MID all theo- With AMOL), ad the zeal fod, putes opinions respect to the progress of concerning it, which marked the reign of king James the fir, moral philo. fophy, as a diftinct fcience, was little fludied. The time was not yet arrived when a due attention was paid to fo important and interefting a branch of knowledge. Bacon's Effays we have mentioned under the preceding reign, in which they first made their appearance; and though they contain a rich treasure of obfervations relative to life and manners, they are moft properly ranked under the head of mifcellaneous learning. It would have been well, however, if fo admirable a model had been followed. In fuch a dearth of ethical productions, perhaps we may be justified in introducing to the notice of our readers the tranflation of Charon on Wisdom. Though on fome accounts the book may have been objected to, it comprehends, upon the whole, a large fund of moral fcience. The tranflation too is energetic; and, notwithftanding its ancient garb, we thall not think our judgment impeached in preferring it to the more elegant but diffufe verfion which was long afterward given by dean Stanhope. Nothing equal to Charron was produced by any of our own countrymen in the period concerning which we are treating. conftitutional freedom, we have obferved on a former occafion, that the caufe of civil liberty gained fome ground toward the clofe of queen Elifabeth's reign; that the rights of the fubject began to be better underflood, and more vigorously maintained; that parliamentary fpeakers, without the fear or danger of imprisonment, affumed a greater boldness in arraigning the conduct of government; and that, in fhort, a new fpirit appeared, which, under fucceeding princes, was attended with very great and important confequences. Such was the state of things when James the firft afcended the throne. The ideas however which he brought with him were ill accommodated to the circumftances of the time. He came into England full fraught with the mo2 extravagant notions concerning the abfolute and uncontrollable power of kings. These notions were partly encouraged by the high tone of authority which had been affumed and exercifed by the princes of the houfe of Tudor, and partly were the refult of his own fpeculative fentiments. The opinion of divine hereditary indefeafible right, and that all the privileges of the fubject were only grants from the crown, he ftrenuoufly maintained; and he could not avoid being ftrengthened in thefe, conceptions by the flatteries of his courtiers, which we cannot read without contempt mixed with indignatión. Indeed, on whatever fide he caft his eye, many things occurred to encourage his prejudices. But while he was thus full of his claims to the higheit prerogatives, the minds of men in Europe, and efpecially in England, had begun to undergo a general, thougɔ at firit an infenfible, revoluOf this riting fpirit in our countrymen feveral inftances were difplayca by parliament, and particularly in the cafe of fir Francis Goodwin. This gentleman had been choten member for the county of Bucks, and his return, as ufual, was made into chancery; but the chancellor, pronouncing him an outlaw, vacated his feat, and iffued a writ for a new clection. The ferment occafioned in the houfe of commons by this tranfaction, and the vigour with which they maintained their rights, are related in all our hiftories, and need not here be enlarged upon but it is fuitable to our prefent fubject to mention the fentiments that were delivered by two or three members. By this courfe (faid one) the free election of the counties is taken away, and none fhall be chofen but fuch as fhall pleafe the king and council. Let us therefore with fortitude, understanding, and fincerity, seek to maintain our privilege. This cannot be construed any contempt in us, but merely a maintenance of our common rights, which our ancestors have left us, and which it is just and fit for us to tranfmit to our pofterity.' This (faid another) may be called a quo warranto to feize all our liberties.' The language of a third member was, A chancellor, by this courfe, may call a parliament confifting of what perfons he pleases. Any fuggeftion, by any perfon, may be the cause of fending a new writ. It is come to this plain queftion, whether the chancery or parliament ought to have authority 2 About the fame time the commons, in the cafe of fir Thomas Shirley, eftablished their power of punishing both the perfons at whofe fuit any member was arrested, and the officers who were employed in arrefting or detaining him. Nor was their attention folely confined to the affertion and maintenance of their own privileges. Their fpirit and judgment appeared in their endeavours to free commerce from thofe hackles which had been impofed upon it by the tyrannical exertions of the royal prerogative. While they were thus attempting to give liberty to the trading part of the nation, they endeavoured likewife to emancipate the landed property from the burden of wardfhips, and to remove thofe remains of the feudal tenares under which the nation ftill laboured. Though this matter was involved in greater difficulties than could at that time be furmounted, the attempt was an indication that more enlarged views of civil policy and government were spreading through the nation. An eminent inftance in which James the firft, to his great mortification, experienced the refiftance of parliament, was in the project of an union between England and Scotland. The fcheme in itself had many powerful recommendations, and the king difplayed a paffionate zeal for carrying it into execution. But the people in general were not prepared for it; and it was very unpopular in the house of All that his majefty could: commons. obtain was the appointment of fortyfour English, to meet thirty-one Scottith commiffioners, in order to deliberate concerning the terms of an union; but they had no power of. making any advances toward its eftablishment. After the affair had been warmly agitated for two feffions, it fell wholly to the ground. We do not enter into the question whether the conduct of parliament, in this refpect, was or was not founded in wifdom. The fact only is mentioned to prove the minds of our countrymen were rifing above the idea of an unreferved fubjection to the will of the prince. Another evidence of the diffufion |