government is firmly decided never to make use of corruption, direct or indirect, and to respect the conscience of every man, the best means of preserving to the legislative body the confidence of the populations is to call to it men perfectly independent by their situation and character. When a man has made his fortune by labor, manufactures, or agriculture, if he has been occupied in improving the position of his workmen, if he has rendered himself popular by a noble use of his property, he is preferable to what is conventionally called a political man, for he will bring to the preparation of the laws a practical mind, and will second the government in its work of pacification and re-edification. As soon as you shall have intimated to me, in the conditions indicated above, the candidates who shall appear to you to have the most chance of obtaining a majority of votes, the government will not hesitate to recommend them openly to the choice of the electors. Hitherto, it has been the custom in France to form electoral committees and meetings of delegates. That system was very useful when the vote took place au scrutin de liste. The scrutin de liste created such confusion, and such a necessity for coming to an understanding, that the action of a committee was indispensable; but now these kind of meetings would be attended with no advantage, since the election will only bear on one name; it would only have the inconvenience of creating premature bonds, and appearances of acquired rights which would only embarrass the people, and deprive them of all liberty. You will, therefore, dissuade the partisans of the government from organizing electoral committees. Formerly, when the suffrage was restricted, when the electoral influence was divided among a few families, the abuse of this influence was most shameful. A few crosses, little merited, and a few places, could always secure the success of an election in a small college. It was very natural that this abuse should cause great dissatisfaction, and that the government should be called on to abstain from any ostensible interference. Its action and its preferences were then occult, and for that very reason compromised its dignity and its authority. But by what favors could the government be now supposed capable of influencing the immense body of the electors? By places? The whole government of France has not establishments vast enough to contain the population of one canton. By money? Without speaking of the honorable susceptibilities of the electors, the whole public treasury would not be sufficient for such a purpose. You will remember to what the result of the efforts of the government was reduced on the 10th December, 1848, in favor of the candidate to the presidency who was then in power. With universal suffrage there is but one powerful spring, which no human hand can restrain or turn from the current in which it is directed, and that is public opinion; that imperceptible and indefinable sentiment which abandons or accompanies governments, without their being able to account for it, but which is rarely wrong in doing so; nothing escapes it, nothing is indifferent to it; it appreciates not only acts, but divines tendencies; it forgets nothing, it pardons nothing, because it has, and can have, but one moving power-the self-interest of each; it is alive to all, from the great policy which emanates from the chief of the state to the most trivial proceedings of the local authorities, and the political opinion of a department depends more than is generally believed on the spirit and conduct of its administration. For a long time past the local administrations have been subordinate to parliamentary exigencies; they occupied themselves more in pleasing some influential men in Paris than in satisfying the legitimate interests of the communes and the people. These days are happily, it may be said, at an end. Make all functionaries thoroughly understand that they must carefully occupy themselves with the interests of all, and that he who must be treated with the greatest zeal and kindness is the humblest and the weakest. The best of policies is that of kindness to persons, and facility for interests and that functionaries shall not suppose themselves created for purposes of objection, embarrassment, and delay, when they are so for the sake of dispatch and regularity. If I attach so much importance to these details, it is because I have remarked. that inferior agents often believe that they increase their importance by difficulties and embarrassments. They do not know what maledictions and unpopularity they bring down on the central government. This administrative spirit must be inflexibly modified; that depends on you; enter firmly on that path. Be assured that then, instead of seeing enemies in the government and local administration, the people will only consider them a support and help. And when afterwards you, in the name of this loyal and paternal govern ment, recommend a candidate to the choice of the electors, they will listen to your voice and follow your counsel. All the old accusations of oppositions will fall before this new and simple line of policy, and people in France will end by understanding that order, labor, and security can only be established in a durable manner in a country under a government listened to and respected. INDEX. ABERDEEN, Lord, on importance of Absent persons, penally tried, 73. Americans, of the Anglican race, 21. Amyot, translation of Plutarch, great Absolute monarchs often allow bold Anaximander, 212. Ancient liberty, 45 and sequ. Anglican liberty, 42; as elements, not prove general wealth, 398. law is necessary element of liberty Advocate, ethics of, 244; independ- ence of, 242 and sequ; is part of Alexander the Great, 212, 213. Anti-corn-law league, 128. Appropriations should be short, 149. the legislature, 117 and sequ. In Aristotle, greater than Alexander, Arnold, Dr. Thomas, definition of In- Articles of Confederation and Per- Athenian prosecutor punished if he speaking, 131; new word, 169; its Burke on legitimate parties, 153; on By-laws, 327; etymology, ibid, note. See Imperatorial Sove- CÆSAR, Julius, 383. Authentic Interpretation, 211. BACON, quotations from, 23, 24. Ballot, universally established in the United States, 268. Has not the Bavarian code, against interepreta- Beccaria against pardoning, 440. Bentham, Jeremy, tactics of legisla- Beranger, opinion on French justice, 77. Campbell, Lord, opinion on petitions Carey, Matthew, on pardoning in Bernard, Frenchman, accessory be- Centralized governments have no in- fore the fact, of Orsini, 59. Bicameral system, 197. Billeting, debate in commons in 1856, Bill of Rights, in full, 499 and sequ. Bonner's translation of de Tocque- Brilliant men, or events, not the most tions, 125, note; on the organiza- Bunsen, Baron, on toleration, 56, Bureaucracy, founded on writing, not stitutions to break powerful shocks, Cerachi, conspirator, executed by se- Champ-de-mars, the many different Charter, French, of Louis XVIII., in Chardin, on pardoning in Persia, 439. note. Charter, the great, of England, 464 and sequ, and 476 and sequ. note. Cicero, defin. of liberty, 28. |