short space, and this may mislead us in the judgment we form of her naval abilities, but if they bore any comparison with those of Great Britain, how comes it to pass, that with all the force of Spain added, she lost so much ground in so short a time, as now to have scarcely a superiority. We should consider what was done by France as a violent and unnatural effort of the government, which, for want of a sufficient foundation, cannot continue to operate proportionable effects.

In modern wars the longest purse must chiefly determine the event. I fear that of the enemy will be found to be so. Though the government is deeply in debt and of course poor, the nation is rich, and their riches afford a fund which will not be easily exhausted; besides, their system of public credit is such, that it is capable of greater exertions than that of any other nation. Speculators have been a long time foretelling its downfall, but we see no symptoms of the catastrophe being very near. I am persuaded it will at least last out the war, and then, in the opinion of many of the best politicians, it will be a national advantage. If the war should terminate successfully the crown will have acquired such influence and power that it may attempt any thing, and a bankruptcy will probably be made the ladder to climb to absolute authority. Administration may perhaps wish to drive matters to this issue. At any rate they will not be restrained by an apprehension of it from forcing the resources of the state. It will promote their present purposes, on which their all is at stake, and it may pave the way to triumph more effectually over the constitution.

"With this disposition, I have no doubt that ample means will be found to prosecute the war with the greatest vigor.

"France is in a very different position. The abilities

of her present financier have done wonders. By a wise administration of the revenues, aided by advantageous loans, he has avoided the necessity of additional taxes. But I am well informed, if the war continues another campaign, he will be obliged to have recourse to the taxes usual in time of war, which are very heavy, and which the people of France are not in a condition to endure for any duration. When this necessity commences, France makes war on ruinous terms. And England, from her individual wealth, will find much greater facility in supplying her exigencies. Spain derives great wealth from her mines, but not so great as is generally imagined. Of late years, the profit to government is essentially diminished. Commerce and industry are the best mines of a nation; both which are wanting to her. I am told her treasury is far from being so well filled as we have flattered ourselves. She is also much divided on the propriety of the war-there is a strong party against it. The temper of the nation is too sluggish to admit of great exertions, and though the courts of the two kingdoms are closely linked together, there never has been, in any of their wars, a perfect harmony of measures; nor has it been the case in this; which has already been no small detriment to the

common cause.

"I mention these things to show, that the circumstances of our allies as well as our own call for peace, to obtain which we must make one great effort this campaign. The present instance of the friendship of the court of France is attended with every circumstance that can render it important and agreeable-that can interest. our gratitude or fire our emulation. If we do our duty, we may even hope to make the campaign decisive on this continent. But we must do our duty in earnest, or disgrace and ruin will attend us. I am sincere in declaring

a full persuasion, that the succor will be fatal to us if our measures are not adequate to the emergency.' Now, my dear sir, I must observe to you, that much will depend on the State of Pennsylvania. She has it in her power to contribute without comparison more to our success than any other State, in the two essential articles of flour and transportation. New York, Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland are our flour countries. Virginia went little on this article the last crop, and her resources are called for to the southward. New York, by legislative coercion, has already given all she could spare for the use of the army. Her inhabitants are left with scarcely a sufficiency for their own subsistence. Jersey, from being so long the place of the army's residence, is equally exhausted. Maryland has made great exertions, but she can still do something more. Delaware may contribute handsomely in some proportion to her extent. But Pennsylvania is our chief dependence. From every information I can obtain, she is at this time full of flour. I speak to you in the language of frankness and as a friend. I do not mean to make any insinuations unfavorable to the State. I am aware of the embarrassments the government labors under from the open opposition of the one party, and the underhand intrigues of another. I know that, with the best dispositions to promote the public service, you have been obliged to move with circumspection. But this is a time to hazard, and to take a tone of energy and decision. All parties, but the disaffected, will acquiesce in the necessity and give their support. The hopes and fears of the people at large may be acted upon in such a manner as to make them approve and second your views. The matter is reduced to a point. Either Pennsylvania must give us all the aid we ask of her, or we can undertake nothing. We must renounce every idea of co

operation-and must confess to our allies that we look wholly to them for our safety. This will be a state of humiliation and littleness against which the feelings of every good American ought to revolt. Yours, I am convinced, will-nor have I the least doubt that you will employ all your influence to animate the legislature and the people at large. The fate of these States hangs upon it. God grant we may be properly impressed with the consequences.

"I wish the legislature could be engaged to vest the executive with plenipotentiary powers. I should then expect every thing practicable from your abilities and zeal. This is not a time for formality or ceremony. The crisis in every point of view is extraordinary, and extraordinary expedients are necessary. I am decided in this opinion.

"I am happy to hear that you have a prospect of complying with the requisitions of Congress for specific supplies that the spirit of the city and State seems to revive, and the warmth of party decline. These are good omens of our success—perhaps this is the proper period to unite.

"I am obliged to you for the renewal of your assuraces of personal regard, my sentiments for you, you are so well acquainted with, as to make it unnecessary to tell you with how much esteem and regard I am," &c.

Three days after, Hamilton apprised Governor Trumbull of the approach of Sir Henry Clinton from Charleston, urging supplies from Connecticut: "Flushed with his success there, and tempted by the present position of our affairs, it will be extraordinary if he does not immediately aim a blow at West Point. If he does, we have every thing to apprehend from the total want of provision in the garrison, which has been for some time on half allowance."

Under this apprehension, he earnestly cautioned its

commander to vigilance, directing him to impress the cattle in his neighborhood in order to save his salted provision.

The distresses here pictured produced the apprehended effect. Two regiments of Connecticut troops revolted, but were immediately reduced to subjection. In the hope that this insubordination would extend, Knyphausen, the sixth of June, crossed into New Jersey, and the next day marched towards Springfield, burning a small village on his route, a wanton act of barbarity, worthy of Tryon, who accompanied him.

Maxwell, with the Jersey brigade and some militia of the neighborhood, immediately took a strong position at that town. Washington, learning the movement of the enemy, hastened to his assistance with his whole force, less than four thousand men.

Hamilton wrote to Steuben: "I am commanded by the general to inform you, that the enemy are out in considerable force; and by the last advices were advancing this way. We are going to meet them." Hamilton went forward to reconnoitre. He wrote to Washington the next day: "I have seen the enemy. Those in view I calculate at about three thousand: there may be, and probably enough are, others out of sight." Stating their retrograde movement towards Staten Island, he remarked: "Different conjectures may be made. The present movement may be calculated to draw us down and betray us into an action. They may have desisted from their intention of passing till night, for fear of our falling upon their rear. I believe this is the case, for as they have but few boats, it would certainly be a delicate manœuvre to cross in our face. We are taking measures to watch their motions to-night as closely as possible. An incessant but very light skirmishing. Very few boats, not