regarded with much jealousy by the other States, Congress urged her "to forbear."

New Jersey proposed an amendment to the articles of the confederation, which, while it admitted the jurisdiction of each State over the public demesne within its chartered limits, declared that the crown lands ought to belong to Congress in trust for the United States.

Maryland, when she approved those articles, instructed her delegates not to ratify them unless the principle was distinctly admitted of a joint interest of the United States in this territory. Virginia interposed a remonstrance.

Sensible of the importance of removing this obstacle to a completion of the confederation, New York, though one of the largest claimants, soon after made a cession of her rights.

Congress hastened to avail themselves of this propitious example; and having expressly declined a discussion of the conflicting claims, recommended a liberal surrender by the States, in order to establish the federal union on a permanent basis.

They soon after resolved that the ceded lands should be disposed of for the common benefit, and formed into distinct republican States, to become members of the Union. They also declared that the expenses incurred by any particular State in the reduction of any British posts, or in the defence or acquisition of any part of the ceded territory, should be reimbursed.

Alive to the importance of completing the articles of confederation, Maryland, though she still affirmed her title to a share in the unappropriated lands, at last acceded to them.

Virginia adhered to her original views. A narrow policy swayed her councils-a policy which, content with the temporary political importance she conferred on her

public men, left her great resources without culture, and sacrificed her permanent interests to their speculative theories.

The claims of the whole Union were denominated "aggressions"-aggressions which she ought to be prepared to resist. Yielding at last, she made a formal cession of her lands, but clogged with conditions which Congress pronounced "incompatible with the honor, interest, and peace of the Union." By one of these conditions, a guarantee of her territory from the Atlantic to the Ohio. was required.

This subject was some time after resumed, and a day was proposed to consider the western limits beyond which Congress would not extend their guarantee to the particular States, to ascertain what territory belonged to the United States, and to establish a plan for the disposal of it in order to discharge the national debts.

The delegates of Virginia, Jones, Madison, and Randolph, protested. They refused to give evidence of her title, as New York had done-stated that Congress had recommended a "liberal surrender," and to make her acts of cession the basis of a discussion of her rights, "was in direct contravention of that recommendation."*

Madison wrote to Pendleton: "You are not mistaken in your apprehensions for our western interests. An agrarian law is as much coveted by the little members of the Union, as ever it was by the indigent citizens of Rome. We have made every opposition and remonstrance to the conduct of the committee which the forms of proceedings will admit. When a report is made, we shall renew our efforts upon more eligible ground, but with little hope of arresting any aggression upon Virginia, which depends solely on the inclination of Congress." "We are very anxious to bring the matter to issue, that the State may know what course their honor and security require them to take."Nov. 1781. 66 'Considering the extensive interests and claims which Virginia has, and the enemies and calumnies which these very claims form against her, she is perhaps under the strongest obligation of any State in the Union to pre

Notwithstanding her pertinacity, the utility of the measure was too obvious to permit its being abandoned, and late in this congressional year a report was made to Congress, again recommending cessions of these lands as "an important fund for the discharge of the national debt." On the final vote, this report was lost by a geographical division. The States north of the Potomac being unanimous in favor of it, and the four Southern States, with the exception of two members, opposing it.*

A strong indication of the feelings on this subject, was also given in a vote on the instructions as to the terms of a treaty with England. On a motion to amend them so as to require that France should support the territorial claims of these States, Maryland proposed to insert the word "United" before the word "States." The proposition was rejected. Thus, from these collisions, all expectation of relief from that great source of wealth was disappointed.

The controversies as to limits between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, and between New York and the inhabitants of the New Hampshire grants, now comprised within Vermont, were also unadjusted. The contentions produced by these controversies extended their influence to other members of the confederacy, and as the decision would affect their future political weight, occupied a large share in their discussions.

A proposal had been made for a requisition to pay the interest on the liquidated accounts. But the condition of the treasury forbade its adoption; and notwithstanding the exertions of the Superintendent of Finance, Congress

serve her military contingent on a respectable footing; and unhappily her line is, perhaps, of all, in the most disgraceful condition.”—April, 1782.—Madison's Papers, vol. i., pages 99, 101, 117.

were compelled to pass a resolution suspending the payment of the interest on the loan-office certificates.-The only remaining vestige of public credit was effaced.

This session, so fruitless in results, at last closed with another requisition of six millions of dollars, for the current service: again showing the impotence of a system Hamilton pronounced neither fit for peace nor fit for war.

The community presented in its private relations a not less disheartening scene. The waste of war had produced an increased demand for the products of agricul ture, which in some measure supplied the want of a foreign market; and the expenditures of the government had, during its earlier periods, created a fulness and rapidity of circulation which bore the semblance of prosperity. The numbers employed in military service had also induced an increased demand for labor, so as to enhance its value. But when the currency depreciated, and the wants of the government were reduced, when trade began to be restored to its natural level, and the enforcement of debts followed, the people awakened from their illusions; the tranquillity of society was disturbed, and it seemed as though a pestilence,,as unforeseen as fatal, was sweeping over the land.

To these evils flowing from the obstruction of industry, from vitiated unfunded paper emissions, from national bankruptcy, were added the pernicious consequences of legislative proscription. It was after a comprehensive survey of these manifold evils that Hamilton remarked, "The more I see, the more I find reason for those who love this country to weep over its blindness."

CHAPTER XXXI.

THE war of the Revolution, as a scene of military movement, fades into insignificance before the conflicts of the elder nations of the earth. There empire is seen subverting empire-race supplanting race-manners, customs, laws, in total change. But, with few exceptions, the sceptre still holds dominion. Allegiance is the tie.

It is as a war of opinion-as the beginning of that great experiment in modern times, whether men are capable of self-government-that the contest in America assumes its immeasurable importance.

When the pressure of arms was less felt, the division of public opinion, exhibited in every stage of the controversy, became more apparent.

On one side, were beheld the equal fellowship of man with man in a great concert of action, extending to the borders of the republic-the sovereignty of the People asserting the dignity of a national existence. On the other, the sovereignty of States, mere artificial existences, embodying, continuing, and confirming colonial distinctions and colonial prejudices.

The one embraced the vigorous hopes of youth, looking to a glorious future—the other the timid jealousies of the past. Of the former, Washington and Hamilton