complish this before the second division arrives. The number of men hitherto come in, rather falls short of than exceeds our calculations.”

Letters were now addressed by Hamilton to Rochambeau and La Luzerne, indicating the place proposed for the debarkation of the second division of the French army, daily expected, but which never came. Orders were at the same time again issued for the impressment of various necessaries for the army. It became also necessary to restrain the impetuosity of La Fayette, eager to employ the French army, which was done by Hamilton in Washington's name. To satisfy the public mind, he at this time published a brief statement of the causes of the abandonment of the projected attack upon New York, which the movements of the army had indicated.

CHAPTER XXI.

AT these interesting moments serious difficulties had arisen within the army itself. General Greene, in seventyeight, as has been stated, assumed the duties of quartermaster-general, declining any additional emolument. The embarrassments attending the performance of this arduous office, resulting from the state of the finances, were such, that after the experience of a year he asked to resign it. Congress were neither disposed to grant his request, nor to amend the system. He informed Washington that unless this were done, he would not remain long. "I will not sacrifice my reputation for any consideration whatever. I engaged in the business as well out of compassion to your excellency, as from a regard to the public." These motives influenced him to continue in this service, still holding his rank in the line. With the increasing financial disorders his difficulties increased, and it became obvious to him, that unless the control of this department were withdrawn from Congress and committed to the commander-in-chief, the public interests must suffer, and his reputation be injured. The vast expenditures made by him, and the inadequacy of the supply of means by the Board of Treasury, had produced mutual complaints.

A new organization of the department was proposed

in Congress. Its action, urgent as were the motives to promptitude, was slow. Another year elapsed, and no remedy was provided. Again Greene wrote to Washington: "From every new conversation which I have with your excellency upon the business of the quartermaster's department, I am more and more convinced that you are in a great measure a stranger to the difficulties and embarrassments attending it, as well as to the mortification, risk and injury those are exposed to who engage in it." "When the public holds up to view neither the face of friendship nor the prospects of reputation, but on the contrary adds insult to injury, and creates new and unnecessary difficulties, few men would be willing to tread the path where so little is to be gained and so much may be lost." Still looking to a change of system, he adds, “I shall be happy to render every service in my power to promote the proposed plan of operations, notwithstanding the injuries I feel, providing they are not accompanied with circumstances of personal indignity. As to pay, I shall ask none more than my family expenses, and all the conditions I shall ask, are, to have my command in the line of the army agreeable to my rank, and to be secured from any loss in the settlement of the public accounts."

While Congress were debating, the committee of cooperation at camp, where the experience of Greene and Schuyler was in concert, digested a system which was submitted to Congress. Unwilling to part with the control of this department, they rejected it and formed a plan of their own. While this matter was pending, the conduct of the Board of Treasury was deeply wounding to Greene, causing the excitement his letters exhibit. He prepared a comment, which he submitted to Hamilton, from whom he received this judicious letter:

"My dear General,-When you ask my opinion as a

friend, I must always act the part of a true friend, however frequently the advice I give may happen to clash with your feelings, justly irritated by injuries which you have not merited. Considering the Board of Treasury as so many individuals, the complexion of their letter to you would abundantly justify the asperity of your reply; but considering them as a public body, one of the first in the state, policy pronounces it to be too great. We are entered deeply in a contest on which our all depends. We must endeavor to rub through it, sometimes even at the expense of our feelings. The treasury will always be essential to your department. The Board conducting it will necessarily have no small influence. You may continue at the head of the department. I should think it imprudent to push differences to extremity, or to convert the airs of official consequence and the temporary work of popular prejudice into rooted personal resentments. This appears to me to be the tendency of the present letter. The Board, from the necessity of our affairs, may sue for peace, but they will hate you for the humiliation. you bring upon them; and they may have it in their power to embarrass your operations. I would have you show a sensibility of injury, but I would wish you to do it in milder terms."

Greene, convinced that the plan of Congress would inevitably involve most injurious consequences to the service, weary of the harassing duties of his office, and with a keen, just value of his own reputation, resolved to resign. Washington in vain urged him to suspend his purpose. He had taken his decision, and addressed a letter to Congress announcing his resignation. In this letter he expressly stated his "intention, long since communicated to the commander-in-chief and the committee, to continue to exercise the office during the active part of

the campaign, provided matters were left on such a footing as to enable him to conduct the business to satisfaction." He then pointed out the impossibility of performing its duties, commenting upon the impolicy of the new and untried system. Congress were deeply offended with the freedom of his observations, and an intimation was given to Washington of an intention to suspend him from his command in the line. Washington immediately replied: "Let me beseech you to consider well what you are about before you resolve. A procedure of this kind must touch the feelings of every officer. It will show in a conspicuous point of view the uncertain tenure by which they hold their commissions. In a word, it will exhibit such a specimen of power, that I question much if there is an officer in the whole line, that will hold a commission beyond the end of the campaign, if he does till then. Such an act in the most despotic government would be attended at least with loud complaints." Happily for this country, the violent wrong to this meritorious soldier was not perpetrated. A question of military etiquette or rather right was also a cause of embarrassment. Colonel McPherson, an officer of merit, though not free from exception, was appointed to the command of a corps detached from the Pennsylvania line. The officers of that line threatened to resign. They were dissuaded by a large examination and distinct assertion of the right of thus selecting an officer to the command of a detachment, drawn up by Hamilton in behalf of the commander-inchief, with a full sense of the importance of the question, and not without regard to his own rights, to be asserted in certain contingencies. A correction of "the many abuses absolutely contrary to the military constitution still existing in the army" had also frequently pressed upon Aug. 10. To Generals Wayne and Irvine.