Slike strani
PDF
ePub

66

Tenthly-In granting the United States the sole power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states,' without the power of regulating foreign coin in circulation, though one is essential to the due exercise of the other, as there ought to be such proportions maintained between the national and foreign coin, as will give the former a preference in all internal negotiations; and without the latter power, the operations of government, in a matter of primary importance to the commerce and finances of the United States, will be exposed to numberless obstructions.

"Eleventhly-In requiring the assent of nine states to matters of principal importance, and of seven to all others, except adjournments from day to day, a rule destructive of vigour, consistency, or expedition, in the administration of affairs, tending to subject the sense of the majority to that of the minority, by putting it in the power of a small combination to retard and even to frustrate the most necessary measures, and to oblige the greater number, in cases which require speedy determinations, as happens in the most interesting concerns of the community, to come into the views of the smaller; the evils of which have been felt in critical conjunctures, and must always make the spirit of government a spirit of compromise and expedience, rather than of system and energy.

"Twelfthly-In vesting in the fœderal government the sole direction of the interests of the United States in their intercourse with foreign nations, without empowering it to pass ALL GENERAL LAWS in aid and support of the laws of nations; for the want of which authority, the faith of the United States may be broken, their reputation sullied, and their peace interrupted, by the negligence or misconception of any particular state.

"And whereas experience hath clearly manifested that the powers reserved to the union in the confederation, are

unequal to the purpose of effectually drawing forth the resources of the respective members, for the common welfare and defence; whereby the United States have, upon several occasions, been exposed to the most critical and alarming situations; have wanted an army adequate to their defence, and proportioned to the abilities of the country; have on account of that deficiency seen essential posts reduced-others imminently endangered—whole states, and large parts of others, overrun and ravaged by small bodies of the enemy's forces; have been destitute of sufficient means of feeding, clothing, paying, and appointing that army, by which the troops, rendered less efficient for military operations, have been exposed to sufferings, which nothing but unparalleled patience, perseverance, and patriotism could have endured. Whereas, also, the United States have been too often compelled to make the administration of their affairs a succession of temporary expedients, inconsistent with order, economy, energy, or a scrupulous adherence to the public engagements, and now find themselves, at the close of a glorious struggle for independence, without any certain means of doing justice to those who have been its principal supporters-to an army which has bravely fought, and patiently suffered—to citizens who have cheerfully lent their money-and to others who have in different ways contributed their property and their personal service to the common cause; obliged to rely for the only effectual mode of doing that justice, by funding the debt on solid securities, on the precarious concurrence of thirteen distinct deliberatives, the dissent of either of which may defeat the plan, and leave these states, at this early period of their existence, involved in all the disgrace and mischiefs of violated faith and national bankruptcy. And whereas, notwithstanding we have, by the blessing of Providence, so far happily escaped the complicated dangers of such a situation, and VOL. II-37

now see the object of our wishes secured by an honourable peace, it would be unwise to hazard a repetition of the same dangers and embarrassments, in any future war in which these states may be engaged, or to continue this extensive empire under a government unequal to its protection and prosperity. And whereas, it is essential to the happiness and security of these states, that their union should be established on the most solid foundations, and it is manifest that this desirable object cannot be effected but by a GOVERNMENT, capable, both in peace and war, of making every member of the union contribute in just proportion to the common necessities, and of combining and directing the forces and wills of the several parts to a general end; to which purposes, in the opinion of congress, the present confederation is altogeter inadequate. And whereas, on the spirit which may direct the councils and measures of these states, at the present juncture, may depend their future safety and welfare-Congress conceive it to be their duty, freely to state to their constit uents the defects which, by experience, have been discovered in the present plan of the fœderal union, and solemnly to call their attention to a revisal and amendment of the same. Therefore resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to the several states to appoint a Convention, to with full powers to

meet at

on the

day of

9

revise the confederation, and to adopt and propose such alterations as to them shall appear necessary, to be finally approved or rejected by the states respectively—and that

a committee of

upon the subject."

be appointed to prepare an address

These resolutions, as appears from a communication to General Washington, Hamilton prepared with a view to an address from congress as soon as they had ratified the definitive treaty. "In a letter," he says, "which I wrote to you several months ago, I intimated that it might be in

your power to contribute to the establishment of our fœderal union upon a more solid basis. I have never since explained myself. At the time, I was in hopes congress might have been induced to take a decisive ground, to inform their constituents of the imperfections of the present system, and of the impossibility of conducting the public affairs with honour to themselves and advantage to the community, with powers so disproportioned to their responsibility; and having done this in a full and forcible manner, to adjourn the moment the definitive treaty was ratified. In retiring at the same juncture, I wished you in a solemn manner to declare to the people your intended retreat from public concerns; your opinion of the present government, and of the absolute necessity of a change. Before I left congress I despaired of the first, and your circular letter to the states had anticipated the last.

"I trust it will not be without effect, though I am persuaded it would have had more, combined with what I have mentioned; at all events, without compliment, sir, it will do you honour with the sensible and well-meaning, and ultimately, it is to be hoped, with the people at large, when the present epidemic frenzy has subsided."

With this purpose, not less grand in the conception than in the mode in which it was to be effected, Hamilton closed his career in congress.

« PrejšnjaNaprej »