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who should undertake to enforce it inimical to the interests of the country.

This appeal was but too readily answered. General Neville had been made inspector of the western country, but his efforts to enforce the law were ineffectual. In the summer of 1792 the insurgents organized, and commenced so systematic an opposition to the measure, that Washington was obliged to issue a proclamation calling on the disaffected to stop their proceedings. Even this did not produce the desired effect. General Neville was fired upon while walking from his residence, his house attacked and partly destroyed, and himself driven beyond the mountains.

The exercise of armed force having now become absolutely necessary, Washington made a requisition upon the governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for fifteen thousand militia. The call was immediately responded to; and Governor Lee, of Virginia, being appointed to the command, marched into the disaffected territory. Yet, still anxious to quell the rebellion without bloodshed, the President, on the 25th of September, issued a second proclamation, stating the impossibility of success on the part of the insurgents, offering protection to all who would confide in the government, exhorting the riotous to lay down their arms, and warning all persons of the consequences of any attempt to aid them. This proclamation, with the knowledge of Lee's approach, had such an effect, that on the arrival of the army in the infected neighbourhood, no insurgents were to be found. A detachment under Major-General Morgan was stationed there during the winter.

T the opening of the Third Congress in December, 1793, the President called the serious attention of Congress to measures of national defence, and the necessity of preparing for war, even while using every effort to prevent it. In a special message he directed the attention of members to the spoliations committed on our commerce by France and England, as well as the restraints of the latter power on the commerce in corn and other provisions. Congress warmly responded to his wishes in these respects, taking care, at the same time, to give as little offence as possible to either of the belligerent powers.

About this time Mr. Jefferson resigned his office of Secretary of State, and was succeeded by Mr. Randolph. Already Great Bri

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tain and the United States were on the eve of another war. England still refused to surrender some of the forts in the western country; her cruisers stopped and searched American vessels; her admiralty issued an order that vessels carrying flour, corn, or meal, and bound to any port in France, or occupied by French armies, should be stopped and taken to England; and her officers continued to exercise upon American crews the odious act of impress

ment.

Washington clearly foresaw the bad consequences of a second struggle with the old enemy; and, anxious to prevent it, he despatched Mr. Jay as envoy extraordinary to the British court. That gentleman succeeded in effecting a treaty, by which England agreed to surrender the western forts, and to allow American trade to the West Indies; but as the other provisions were not entirely satisfactory, Washington for some time refused to sign it. He finally, however, ratified the treaty, with consent of two-thirds of the Senate. It met with great opposition throughout the country, and was stigmatized by the opposition party as an act of ingratitude against France. Meanwhile Hamilton and Knox had resigned their seats in the cabinet; and thus the President was left almost alone to combat the torrent of opposition to the treaty. He remained, however, firm; and,

in a little time, the beneficial effects of the measure became fully apparent.

Before the next session of Congress, treaties had been concluded with Algiers, with the Indians beyond the Ohio, and with Spain,the latter power yielding the important points of boundary claimed by the United States, the right of navigating the Mississippi, and a depot at New Orleans. The only power still retaining a hostile attitude was France. A new envoy had been sent from that country, who, by inflammatory addresses, contrived to inspire the people with enthusiasm in his favour. He had even received instructions from the French Directory, that in case President Washington could not be drawn into a rupture with England, he was then to address Congress, and appeal, as Genêt had done, to the people. At the same time the Directory passed regulations by which American vessels were seized, and their cargoes confiscated. In 1796, Mr. Monroe, American minister at Paris, was recalled, and Charles C. Pinckney appointed in his place.

EFORE any adjustment of this difficulty could be effected, Washington's second term of office expired, and no consideration could induce him to permit another re-election. One of his principal reasons was, that eight years was a sufficient length of time for one individual to fill the highest office of a free elective government. In September, 1796, he announced to his countrymen in a valedictory address his intention of retiring from public life. In this celebrated paper he dwells chiefly on the im- ' portance of preserving the unity of the republic, on the baneful effects of party spirit, the necessity of peace with foreign powers, the happy workings of the new government, and especially on the inseparable connection between national prosperity and moral rectitude. For soundness of political views, fervent patriotism, paternal affection for the people, and humble dependence on that Supreme Governor who controls all nations, this valedictory of Washington is perhaps without a rival in history. It excited throughout the country the deepest feelings of veneration for its author. Several of the state legislatures inserted it in their journals, and passed resolutions expressive of their exalted sense of the services and character of Washington, and their emotions at his retiring from office.

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RETIREMENT OF WASHINGTON.

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Washington met Congress for the last time on the 7th of December, 1796. In his speech on that occasion he adverted to the late treaties, the necessity of strengthening the naval force, of encouraging agriculture and manufactures, and of establishing a national university and a military academy. The relations with the French republic were made the subject of a special message. In the following October took place the election for his successor, which, after a close and spirited canvass, gave the first office in the republic to Mr. John Adams, and the second to Mr. Thomas Jefferson. The former was the candidate of the Federal party, the latter of the Republican. They were inaugurated in the presence of Washington, on the 4th of March, 1797, and immediately entered upon their respective duties. The venerable ex-President then retired to his seat at Mount Vernon.

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CHAPTER XXXVII.

ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS.

HE services of Mr. Adams, as an earnest advocate in the Continental Congress for the declaration of independence, his defence of the Constitution, and his acknowledged ability and patriotism, fully entitled him to the confidence of his fellow-citizens in the important office to which he was now elevated.

In the preceding year General Pinckney had been appointed minister plenipotentiary to the French republic. The Directory refused to receive him until after the redress of their alleged grievances by the American government; and this high-handed measure was speedily followed by a notice to General Pinckney to quit the territories of the republic, and orders to the French cruisers to capture American vessels wherever found.

On receiving intelligence of these hostile proceedings, President Adams called a meeting of Congress [June 15, 1797]. On meeting them, the President, in his opening speech, stated the unprovoked aggressions of the French government, and their insidious attempts to disunite the American people; and urged upon Congress the necessity of providing for the national defence, declaring at the same time his intention to attempt an accommodation of the dispute by negotiation.

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