THE NULLIFICATORS. The following letters from Messrs. Troup and Cheves, were received by the managers of the great "state rights" dinner, held at Columbia, S. C. on the 20th ult. They offer an admirable contrast to the clear and lucid exposition of the powers of the constitution, given by Mr. Madison in his letter published in the preceding pages. From the Columbia S. C. Telescope. We beg leave to call the special attention of our readers to the following letter of gov. Troup to the committee of invitation to the recent dinner at this place. Laurens county, Geo. Sept. 21st, 1830. Gentlemen: Accept my thanks for your polite invita tion to a public meeting and dinner at Columbia, directed to Milledgeville; it did not reach me until last mail. Whether with you on that interesting occasion or not, you have my best wishes for the results of the wise counsels and patriotic efforts which you cannot fail to carry to the discussion of the topics of the day; they are of first importance to the whole union. of strict and impartial justice, it is better that the non- From the Columbia Times and Gazette. JUDGE CHEVES' LETTER. I regret that circumstances connected with my domestic concerns, will prevent me from enjoying the pleasure and honor which your invitation puts in my power. But presuming that it will be in accordance with the objects of the meeting, to receive the views of those who have been invited to attend it, and are unable to do so, and lest it may be supposed I am unwilling to give publicity to mine, I will subjoin them in as few words as the nature of the subject will permit. Whatever the people of South Carolina in convention shall resolve for their safety, interest and happiness, Charleston, 15th Sept. 1830. will be right, and none will have the right to question it. Gentlemen-I have had the honor to receive your letYou can change your own government at pleasure, and ter of the 16th ultimo, by which I am invited to partici therefore you can throw off the government of the union pate in a public meeting and dinner, at Columbia" on whenever the same safety, interest and happiness require the 20th inst. You are also pleased to add, that "the it. If ambition and avarice shall make the federal go-meeting is called with a view to the discussion and more wernment a curse, and the states are to be held to it thorough understanding of the important political topics against their will, our condition differs in nothing from which engage the attention of the people of the state. that of the provinces of Turkey or Persia. The many headed tyrant, in the habitual violation of the constitution, vaunts his love of union, as if ready to make a burnt offering of his looms and spindles upon the altar of that union-yet not one jot of concession is made to the prayers and entreaties which, if offered to the Throne of Grace, would be received graciously and answered favorably. The cormorant who fastens and fattens on our substance, may not release his hold, so long as we are the willing subject of his remorseless passion. On the topics that now so much agitate the public mind, But I do not utterly dispair-the American people will I have never had but one opinion, affecting as well the see that the constitution and union can only be preserv-injury as the remedy. The injury, I think, far exceeds ed by a return to honesty and justice. It is impossible the common estimate. That considers it as an unjust, we can be wrong-ours is the cause of liberty--of free- unequal and oppressive tax, terminating in itself. The dom of industry-of the use of the faculties of mind magnitude of the evil, in this view, would ordinarily be and body, for all purposes, merely innocent, without go- supposed cause enough for resistance, in the most exvernmental interference; opposed to restraints and prohi-treme modes, when, as in this, it is obvious, the common bitions and monopolies in every form. If, contrary to remedy under our institutions-that of the ballot boxexpectation, the existing system shall become the fixed does not and cannot apply; and when to mention it, is to and settled policy of the country, the southern states mock the sufferer. But the evil swells, when we consimust withdraw from the confederacy, cost what it may, der its motives, tendencies, abuses and probable duration, No evil is more to be dreaded than a power in the ge- to a size and shape altogether alarming. In these views, neral government to regulate industry-a power which we behold among other evil results, a power in which we cannot with safety be confided to any government, but have no practical participation, and over which we have with the most guarded limitations. no control, to tax us, employed not simply in imposing the burthen of the day, unjust and enormous in itself, but in establishing, at the same time, principles, which in their effect and tendency, subvert, first, the great pecuniary interests of the south, and, next, all the protective power, with which the scheme of our government had clothed them. For, while these burthens are imposed, to the great injury and perhaps to the final subversion of those objects of our industry on which they bear, and, not for the ordinary and legitimate purpose of revenue, but to build up new and artificial interests, supposed to be beneficial to other and distant portions of the union; while, I say, they are imposed for such unjust and insufferable purposes, they are at the same time appropriated to interest other states, by the division of the spoil, in the permanency of the policy, and thus to deprive us of all hope which might have grown out of the balanced interests of the community, through the disinterestedness and impartiality of the latter portions of the union. In this Of what value is that union which is formed of unwill-way, we behold the burthen fixed upon us with double ing and reluctant members, who, but for the sword sus-power and probably forever. pended over their heads, would fly off from the com- I believe this statement to be faithfully true, except as mon centre, as from a fierce and consuming fire, which it shall be wanting in strength; and if it be not greatly burns only to destroy? The constitution, administered overcharged, does it not exhibit a case involving most according to its letter and spirit, can dispense nothing deeply and injuriously the interests, the honor, and the but justice, and the character of the American people is practical independence of the state? In the same mantheir sufficient warranty that no state would separate ner it affects all the southern states. from the union without justifiable cause. On the only occasion, on which I have expressed an Regarding the union as a family compact, the mem-opinion in public on this subject, I declared my belief bers of which can only be kept together by the practice that the southern states suffered all the evil legislation Direct taxes for the encouragement of manufactures would not have been paid for a single year. The five cents a yard on our cotton bagging, levied for the professed purpose of enabling the western states to supply the article on their own terms, when the proceeds were to make roads and canals for the same states, would have been opposed with a spirit not easily allayed. They have been borne only because, being indirect, they are unseen, and because a portion of the evil may be avoided by the non-consumption of those articles which are not of first necessity. There cannot be a greater fallacy than that the union is to be preserved by a power in the general government to coerce the states. The existence of Sovereignty excludes the idea of force. Ours is a government of opinion, of consent, of voluntary association, the only guaranty for union is justice. Justice secures good feeling, fidelity, affection; and nothing but justice can secure them. the power of public sentiment, the conduct of the whole and ignominy of a colonial condition, without any of its fact alone upon it, because, according to our maxim of advantages. The condemnation and vituperation which have been cast upon this opinion, have not changed it. I still entertain the opinion, and still think that the evil ought not to be borne, but ought to be resisted at the proper time and under the proper circumstances, at any and every hazard. It ought to be peaceable, if possible, and every means calculated to make the issue peaceable, ought to be patiently and judiciously employed, before we think of force: But if force be indispensable to effective resistance, I do not hesitate to say we ought to suffer and employ it, rather than submit. Submit! Why, the question is, whether we will bear oppression or not! And is this question submitted to a free people? Oppression in the worst and most dangerous of all formsoppression in the imposition of the great pecuniary burthens of the state, where tyranny, whether popular or monarchical, always begins its attack. Let government have the unlimited and unrestrained power to impose pecuniary burthens, and that government be not self-government, and what is left of liberty and independence? And will it be any mitigation of the reality or weight of the evil, that you suffer under the forms, without the power of self-government? When I say this oppression ought to be resisted, at any and every hazard, I walk on consecrated ground-that of our revolution-and, am sustained by the general examples of history. The motives of that revolution, however just and satisfactory, are paltry, compared with the evils of these impositions, whether we consider them in their direct effects, or in their future tendencies; nor is there a page in the volume of history that contains so foul a blot as the record of the final submission of independent states, uncontrolled by power, to such unequal and unjust legislation. But, as I remarked on the public occasion on which I first expressed the opinion that the evils of which the south complains ought to be resisted, so on this I say, I deprecate all action by one state. I have no confidence in any resistance, peaceable or forcible, which shall not embrace a majority of the suffering states. I believe--1 am sure, it will be abortive resistance. On the contrary, to will, by a united determination, a redress of southern wrongs and the security of southern rights, will be effectually to accomplish both. Any measure by one of the suffering states alone, will be a measure of feebleness, subject to many hazards. Any union among the same states, will be a measure of strength, almost of certain success. The case must be one growing out of long suffering and deep tribulation, where a single state, forming one of a closely united family, (I mean not merely a political connexion, but one of sentiment, and feeling, and interest, and juxtaposition, such as the southern states eminently form), can act alone with spirit and success, when it shall not have the sustaining approbation of the sisterhood; and still more so, if the cloud of their disapprobation shall cast its shadows on the effort. It may be truly said, then, I think, that all separate action by one of the southern states on this question, which is common to them all, however wise would be the same measure, if it were favored by the general adoption, will be feeble and unsuccessful. I proceed now to notice some of the specific grounds which have been suggested for the action of this state. Among these remonstrances, in the sovereign character of the state, seem not altogether to be discarded. These I consider as worse than idle, for so ought all dependence on means so certainly deceptive and delusive to be considered. For the utter worthlessness of this mean, let our imaginations transfer us to. Washington, on the occasion when the solemn protests of this state, and of the state of Georgia were presented. They could not have been presented with more dignity, or with more eloquence, or in a more imposing manner. But did they attract any consideration, or produce any sensation? I appeal to those who were present on the occasion, whether the repose of the letter writers, at their desks, was broken by this awful presence of two remonstrating sovereigns! proposed appropriation of a few hundred dollars to indemnify a petitioner for a negro lost in the campaign of New Orleans, excited fifty-nay, I am sure I do not exaggerate, however hyperbolical the statement may appear, when I say fifty thousand times the sensation that was produced by the protests of these sovereign states. And will you remonstrate again under like circumstances? On mullification, another of the specific modes of action which have been suggested, I think a construction has been put, in this state, different from that which Jefferson and Madison, and the Virginia and Kentucky legislatures intended it should bear. I do not say a less correct one. They, as I suppose, considered it a mere declaration of opinion on the part of the states of the invalidity of the law, Nullification in this sense has already been adopted by the state, and a majority of the southern states. The full power of public sentiment may be considered a sort of modern discovery, if it be not, in a regular shape, entirely a creature of modern institutions. It is at least one of infinite influence, by which the conduct of The "interposition" of which these high authorities every free state is absolutely governed. That public speak, and which they hold out as an ulterior remedy, if sentiment, however, is not the feeling merely of a part of the moral influence of the nullifying declaration shall not the community, but of the whole of that aggregate peo- be effective, is simply the exercise of that power that beple, however numerous, and though separated into inde-longs to and cannot be separated from a state which rependent states, who have a common identity. This com- mains sovereign. mon identity expands or is contracted by the subject The books talk of dependent sovereigns, but the comwhich it affects. There is a common identity and a com- mon sense of that is, that those who are so called, either mon public sentiment (the weaker to be sure when so from motives of interest or policy, agree voluntarily, expanded) embracing all civilized people. In our exter- and during their pleasure, to suspend or delegate nal relations there is a common public sentiment embrac- portion of their power, or, are under forcible subjec ing the whole union. But in our external relations, the tion to another power, and are in the latter case, not states are divided into western, eastern, middle and sovereign in a just sense. Sovereign states may sus southern sections, The south has thus a separate iden-pend or delegate the exercise of many of their pow tity and a common public sentiment among themselves, ers, without a diminution of their sovereignty, un(the stronger from the nearness and intimacy of their re- der a compact with other sovereigns. But whatever lations), in reference to their internal or peculiar affairs. name be given to this compact, if the confederate There may be cases where this common or peculiar iden- states remain sovereign, it is no more than a treaty of a tity may be confined to a single state--for example, that solemn kind, which any state may withdraw fron at pleaof Georgia, on the Indian question. Where this com- sure. One state of the confederacy may interpose by mon identity and consequent common public sentiment entreaty, by negociation, or by remonstrance, with a view affect any subject, it is scarcely possible for any one of obtaining redress of a particular evil in the execution member of the confraternity of feeling and character, to I of the treaty, and still acknowledge the binding efficacy of it, or it may at once resume its power and exercise, and sustain all its original rights at pleasure, as if no such treaty had ever existed. It has precisely the same means to sustain itself that all sovereigns have-the moral and physical force of the state. It is subject to the same control (and no other,) which may be brought to bear on all sovereigns, namely, the like moral and physical force. But whatever be the true doctrine on the subject of nullification, there is too great a diversity of opinion on the expediency of it, to authorize its adoption, at this time, in the sense put upon in this state. ed, would be merely popular, not legal-of the nature of a like remonstrance of any ordinary popular convention, though more solemn and comprehensive, and would be exceptionable, as it would have a tendency to invalidate the authority, legal and moral, of the regular government. Nor is it probable the influence supposed would be felt. Bodies acting out of their sphere, are likely in politics, as in nature, to lose their attraction. I am afraid a convention thus employed, would be considered as a wandering planet. For who can seriously think of remonstrance after our experience of their inefficacy? For myself, I deem all remonstrances utterly idle and hopeless when they come from a single state. But if the southern states will rase a united voice, I have no doubt it will not only command attention, but likewise acquiescence in the demands. The last of the specific modes of action, which have been thrown out, is a convention of the people of the state, to be called under the constitution of the state. This I conceive to be equally impolitic, and still more unsuited to the occasion and the object, because (I speak with great defference but not less confidence) it I differ, therefore, entirely from those who have recan lead to no authoritative result, and it appears to me to commended modes of separate action. But I must be be proposed for the worst reason imaginable-a want of understood as not meaning to join at all in the opproany definite notion of a practical line of conduct. A con- brious censures, which have been cast upon these meavention, 1 conceive, should only be called for some great sures or the distinguished men, who have put them forth specific object. No one has, however, suggested any for the public consideration. All I mean is respectfully definite question of decisive character, on which this con- to submit my reasons for a difference of opinion. These vention is to act, except that of nullification. And why distinguished men are the ornaments of the state, have should a convention be called on this question? It cannot hitherto been, and will continue to be, its truest, ablest, even act upon it, in an authoritative shape. A convention best and most faithful advisers; and to withdraw the pubemployed according to the principles of constitutional lie confidence from them, would at once be ungrateful government, can only act on the frame of the government, and unwise. The public is indebted to them for all the that is to say, give, take away, or modify its power. It just views it has on the subjects which now so inten cannot legislate!-by what process then can it nullify?sely agitate, and which must always so deeply interest As to the authority of the government of the state, as it it. They have been the faithful sentinels of the state, now stands, it is not in the power of the convention to and if they be withdrawn from its watch-towers, I tear increase it with reference to the subject of sovereign it will be a voice much less true to the interests of the rights, which are those in question. No government people, and much less worthy of their confidence. Not which recognizes the right of the people to abrogate or to sustain them, would be little less than to abandon the modify its existence can have greater power than the go- struggle. vernment of this state already possesses on such subjects. But it may be asked, "how is this union of effort, on It has all the power that, on such questions, can be con- the part of the southern states, to be brought about, and ferred on a government. It is an unlimited sovereign go when is it probable they will effectually unite?" The vernment, in reference to all other states and governments. first part of this inquiry is very easily answered. Any The convention therefore, can do no legal or authorita-mean, [the simpler the better, for all incipient measures,] tive act unless it assume a revolutionary vigor, dissolve which will enable them to exchange their views on the the actual government, and invest itself with all power. subject, will be satisfactory. The remaining member I know it has been said that the ligature of the union of the inquiry is much more difficult-"When is it pro was tied by a convention, and that therefore our rela- bable they will effectively unite?" Any one accustomed to tion to it cannot be changed but by a convention. This the contemplation of public affairs, will see, at a glance, doctrine is both fallacious and dangerous. It would that the actual condition of the politics of the southern be to impair, if not to deny our great first principle, that states, in connexion of the politics of the union, is not the union is a confederation of sovereign states. The only the cause of the present apathy of the states, but, in conventions which ratified the constitution of the union all likelihood, will continue to smother their feelings were instruments of the state sovereignties, called by and confound their views for some time to come. But their power, and responsive merely of the popular opin- inevitable delays are no argument against union and coion. The people on that occasion neither dissolved, nor operation among the aggrieved states. These means are modified their corporate existence. It was a mere me- indispensable-no others are either practical or practica thod of collecting the sense of the people on a point that ble; all others will be deceptive at first and finally aborthe corporative sovereignty was able (as in the confede- tive. The southern states on this subject are one peoration of 1779,) to have decided without the reference. ple-one in interest, in feeling, in suffering, in locality There is nothing in the nature of two instruments, which and in power, and ought not to separate in resistance, require the direct confirmation of the people in the one, whether peaceable or forcible. Let them unite, and and dispenses with it in the other. The greatest of all pow-whatever they demand, will, in all likelihood, be peaceers-those of peace and war-were invested in the confe- ably granted, if they sustain it in a proper manner.deration of 1778. The people may annihilate or modify the Let them unite, and if their reasonable demands be not state governments when they please, but as long as they peaceably granted, they may be forcibly maintained.exist and are sovereign, they not only represent the peo- But when I talk of force, I consider it as a result altoge ple, but are the people in their corporate capacity. I am ther beyond the range of probability, if the southern states constrained to believe, (though I confess the sin of having unite in their counsels and their demands. The fear, long wandered from this good faith,) that there is neither however, of this result, has been arrayed in all the hor safety nor truth in any doctrines which do not recognize rors of civil war and disunion, and has been the great in all external regulations, the governments of the states engine which has been used against the cause and the exclusively as the people of the states, and the only visi- friends of state rights-sometimes under the most honest ble signs by which can be seen or known as sovereigns. conviction, but oftener with the most crafty designs.But so very indistinct and even wild are some of the War of any kind, if the south do not separate in their motives assigned for the call of a convention, that it has efforts, I consider as altogether visionary; but if it shall been gravely urged as one, that if a practical remedy come, and we meet it under a united banner, it would cannot be struck out by it, it may be used to put an end be divested of all the evils of civil war, in the ordinary to the excitement altogether, by a popular sedative acceptation of the term. As to disunion, it is the most (through some act of the convention,) of the whole ques- improbable of all events at this time. The motives to tion! This does seem to be sporting in very wanton-union are so strong, that it will resist the assaults even ness with the most serious and sacred objects. of its worst enemies, who are those who would maintain it in its oppressive usurpations. It has also been suggested, that a convention may remonstrate, and that coming from such a body, it would command the attention of the general government. Such an act of the convention for the reasons already suggest South Carolina will, on her part, allow no caprice of feeling, nothing short of vita), intolerable and enduring evil to sever its bonds-Disunion will not be her choice, purpose of the meeting, is "with a view to discussion, and a more thorough understanding of the imporant poitical topics which engage the attention of the people of this state," and of exchanging opinions with citizens from any other part of the state, who may favor you with their attendance. I regret exceedingly, gentlemen, that I am now constrained to decline the honor intended me, by your invitation; I say emphatically, "the honor," because with the views expressed in your invitation, it is impossible that your meeting can assume the character of one of those, in which men have, so often recently, been brought together, to be heated by wine and declamation, and surprised into intemperate toasts and sentiments. I would as soon be privy to intoxicating a jury, that sat upon a case of life and death, as be partaker of a feast of the latter character. but her necessity. But if such necessity should "fall, to be given on the 20th instant. The avowed and liberal on our times" and drive the southern states, (South Carolina will not go alone,) for a moment, from the union, it will be but for that brief space, which will be sufficient to show to other members, the true nature of the confederacy of these United States, and how much more they are interested than we are in its preservation. We shall be called back by such an impatient wooing as I'must apologize for not making an earlier acknowneither romance nor poetry hath typyfied. New Eng-ledgement of your favor, by informing you, that thus inland, for example, knows her interests too well, (if she vited and encouraged, I immediately wrote a private letdoes not, the event will teach her,) not to give up a brace ter to my friend, the chairman of your committee, to inof American Systems rather than lose the advantages she quire if he thought I could promise myself a patient enjoys from an union with the southern states. hearing, while defending certain propositions which I deGreat as is the interest of the last mentioned states in tailed to him, and which constitute my honest views or the preservation of the union, it is a simple and single honest errors, on the great topics which at present divide one. Neither more nor less than the love and happiness us. of peace with their sister states. It is merely a negative I have waited for an answer, until I could wait no longadvantage, [but not the less therefore,] to use the lan-er, without committing the indecorum, of not answering guage of a very learned and eloquent divine, [Dr. Chan- your invitation in due form. ning,] who appears to think and speak like a great statesman, and who, were his countrymen councelled by him, would, at once, put an end to all speech and all thought on the subject of disunion. The south asks and enjoys no other advantage from the union, and is ready to give for it a cordial return of the same great blessing; and besides, without further consideration, to make all sacrifices, beneficial to the other states, short of the surrender of its independent institutions and its vital interests-any thing short of dishonor and degradation. In foreign wars it is scarcely possible the southern states can be involved but by the union-as to the insulting pretence sometimes Believing that the invitation was intended to elicit my put forth that we want the aid of our sister states to sus opinion on the great topics which are to effect the aptain a peculiar part of our southern polity, let the history proaching election, I have no difficulty, gentlemen, in of the revolution give an ample refutation of the afforn-expressing them in a brief and general manner. tive suggestion; and if there shall still any scepties re- am altogether opposed to the doctrine of nullificamain, let them look at the census and discover a free, tion, (to use a barbarous and novel term, for want of a high spirited white population, as brave and athletic as more direct mode of expressing an opinion,) and, as to a any the union can exhibit, mixed up with the subject of convention, I think it a most hazardous measure, and althat policy, which were the latter doubled in numbers, together nugatory, unless we mean to secede from the would be sufficiently numerous to put them down, be-union. And while I believe that nine tenths of those fore our self-constitued allies in this peril, [which is the who favor the measure, are as honest in being disposed creature of their own imaginations,] could get intelligence to favor it, as I am in my opposition to it, yet I must be of our danger, were it to arise-It is enough to say, that permitted to say, that I most sincerely fear, that there we fear neither foreign nor servile foes; and that the are among us those who press the calling of a convenunion is only valuable to us, [and as such we consider it tion, for the distinct purpose of so embroiling our relaabove all price, short of the above named sacrifices,] astions with the general government, as to involve the latthe best if not the only certain mean of preserving the ter in the dilemma, of either abandoning the reins of peace of our geographical fraternity. On the side of our government altogether, or of maintaining it by force. associates they have the full enjoyment of this inestima- In the latter case, they flatter themselves that the states, ble advantage, [not less to them than us,] and they have or some of them, will take part with us, and thus in besides not a few, but a vast number of great positive ad- either case, a dissolution of the union would ensue. If vantages which they exclusively enjoy. Let them cal- there are any such, I trust they are very few in number, cutate then, the value of the union, and be instructed and must think them only fit to be consigned to the care by the fable of the bird that laid golden eggs. Unless, of the regent of the lunatic hospital. then, some special visitation of Providence shall becloud There cannot be a possible case imagined, in which we the clear intellect of our principal adversaries in the pre-should be even countenanced by a single state, at present. sent struggle, they will not force us out of the union, and no other cause can sever us from it. I am ashamed of the length of this communication: but I was obliged to be silent, to be misunderstood, or to trespass in this manner upon your patience. I am, gentlemen, very truly and respectfully your most obedient servant. LANGDON CHEVES. To Messrs. John Taylor, Wade Hampton, jr. John G. Brown, Pierce M. Butler, and Wm. Harper. JUDGE JOHNSON. I am aware, that in the slang of the day, those who think, as I do, are reproached with the epithet of submission men, and the imputation of fear; but it is equally unjust or unreasonable in those who claim for themselves the attributes of patriotism, integrity and independent minds, to refuse the same to others. Nor are there wanting men in our ranks, who have some pretensions to character and talents. Our fear, is the fear of God, and of disgrace, and of public calamity; our submission, submission to our consciences. I will conclude, gentlemen, by tendering the following toast, with profound respect to the meeting. From the Charleston Courier of October 1. We have received from the hon. William Johnson, "The generous feelings of my countrymen.—Elevation the following letter to the committee of arrangements, of character is conspicuous in its most rregular movein reply to an invitation to be present at the meeting inments. May it never be misdirected by false reasoning, Columbia, on the 20th instant. false calculations, false pride, or false men." With the highest respect, I have the pleasure to subscribe myself, gentlemen, your very humble servant, WILLIAM JOHNSON. It is due to the Telescope and Times to say, that they both gave the opinion of judge Johnson, in opposition to nullification and convention, at the same time that they published the opinions of other gentlemen, who replied to the committee by letter. The omission to notice judge JoHOSON's opinion, when we gave that of others, on Wednesday last, is wholly our own, and was purely accidental. Charleston, Sept. 16. GENTLEMEN--I have the honor to acknowledge your polite invitation of the 16th ult. to a dinner in Columbia, GENERAL LAFAYETTE, The following are extracts of letters received from gen. Lafayette. The first was addressed to gen. Bernard, of Washington, the last to a gentleman in New York Paris, Aug. 17, 1830. How much I should wish to be with you, my dear general, to rejoice together in the result of this last glo [nets, on two occasions, restored the Bourbons and protected the execution of so many illustrious defenders of their country. rious and virtuous revolution. The people alone have achieved the whole, they had shown themselves as great in the victory, as daring and interpid during the struggle. Bodies of courageous mechanics were led by young stu I should have set off already if I did not see among the dents, and chiefly by pupils of the Polytechinique school, national names of the members of the provisional governwho were far more admirable than I could express. Our ment, that of a prince with which mine never can have any losses, during these three bloody days, have been great; thing in common, being satisfied that any Bourbon, whatthose of our adversaries have been considerable. No ever may be the branch to which he belongs, cannot suit sooner was a regiment engaged in the streets to carry off my country. I have often told you that the only family the barricades, than new ones were thrown up in their in France, which the nation will not choose and cannot rear. The attacks on the Louvre, Tuilleries, and Hotel like, is that of the Bourbons. If that family loved France de Ville, were made with incredible valor. Levasseur and was aware of the eternal divorce between them, it was severely wounded, but we shall save him. I was, would have long ago renounced the throne. That divorce on the morning of the third day, established in the Hotel had been sealed by blood enough, both French and fode Ville which had been taken and retaken; and the tri- reign, during twenty-five years, without any necessity of colored flag was waving over our heads. The king hav-exposing the family to be the cause of shedding the blood ing halted at Rambouillet with ten or twelve thousand of the citizens of Paris, under the mercenary steel of men, I ordered from fifteen to twenty thousand Parisians Swiss. to march against him: the enemy retreated. Afterwards, the count d'Artois and family reached the port of embarkation, under the escort of our commissaries, without receiving the least insult during their journey through the French territory. The national guard is organizing throughout France. The king we have elected is patriotic and popular. would not say, as has been reported, that this is the best of republics, but I do say that it is a very republican monarchy, susceptible of improvement. Adieu, my dear general. I love you and embrace you with all my heart. LAFAYETTE. "We might have declared a pure republic; but not without a great division of opinion; nor without danger, both internal and external. And therefore the republicans generously preferred uniting themselves to the moderate monarchists, (perhaps the majority of the nation) on condition, that it should be a republican monarchy. The duke Orleans was chosen by the chamber of deputies in the name of the people, who seem well satisfied; and having recognized the principle that he derives his title from the will of the people, Louis Philip re-ascends a popular throne. The great trial of the revolution is not yet determined. The emperor Napoleon thought that blood enough had been spilt in the interior of France and wished to close every wound. He threw the country open to all those whom he deemed as tired of civil war as he was; adjourning the complete freedom of the nation till a general peace, when he should no longer need immense dictatorial power, with which to make head against the united forces of Europe, incessantly excited by the rivalry of England, and the oligarchy of its ministry. He wished to put an end to the revolution, and offered himself as mediator in France, as moderator in Europe. England constrained him by the wars she perpetually raised, to those conquests which she denounced as excesses, though she alone was answerable for them; and concluded by crushing in France all the fruits of thir ty years of heroism and victory, by imposing the family of the good old times on a regenerated nation. As long as there is any question in France of a branch of that family, I will stay where I am. My family never Should the nation desired civil war, and does not now. declare for a republic, you know my sentiments. They are of long standing. Happy the people among whom I might make this application without danger. You remember what I often said to the Spaniards-You will never have as much liberty as I should like to give you: But you must be able to bear it; time is a necessary element in every thing.' "I did not say, as some newspapers related it, that this was the best of republics. I declared, on the contrary, my doctrines, which are of the American school; but I perceive, that, under all the circumstances, this was the best thing to be done; and from what I Assurances are given that our youth have made great Doubtless gohave since seen of the new king and his family, I am progress towards republican opinions. confirmed in the opinion that we have done right. vernment is & remedy for an evil. Happy the country "We have now entered a progressive career of legislá- wise enough to do without it. We perceive scarcely tion, which will lead to a very liberal state of things. any traces of it in the happy country where we have so "Thus the cause of the people-the liberty of Eu-long resided. But is that a state suitable to France? It rope-has made in three days an immense stride, and this new revolution has sustained a character for disinterestedness, grandeur of soul, and generosity, which places what are called the lowest orders of the people in the first rank of French society. France is now her owa sovereign, and every day confirms her title. LAFAYETTE." LETTER FROM JOSEPH BONAPARTE, To an officer formerly serving in the republican and imperial armies in France. POINT BREEZE, 14th Sept. 1830. is not the irritation caused by the absurd pretensions of the government that has weighed it down for fitteen years, which has roused that generous youth beyond perhaps what suit the rest of their fellow-citizens at present, and the tranquillity of France and Europe? A third hypothesis remains; that of my being called upon by honor, by duty, by what I owe to France emanci pated, and to Napoleon the second, to the son of a brother whom I ought to love and respect more than any other person whatever, because I knew him from infaney better than any one else, and I am sure of the sincerity of his feelings and opinions. When dying on the rock of St. Helena, he charged me through gen. BerSin-I received the letter by which you offer to ac-trand's pen, to let his son govern himselt by my advice; company me to Europe, should circumstances call me never, above all, to let him forget that he is a Frenchman; there. Duty alone can induce me to quit this country.to let him give France as much liberty as his father gave My device, like that of my brother Napoleon, is all her equality; and let him adopt for his device, all for the for the French people. 1, therefore, do not consider French people. myself bound by any thing but duty towards the nation. I have positive assurances that Napoleon the second, I have no right to exercise, either my own name or in spite of fortune, is as good a Frenchman as you or 1, that of my nephew. Government is a want of the peo-and will be worthy of his father and of France. I am ple; to be created or destroyed by them according to your affectionate its usefulness: And I am resigned to conform to the national will, lawfully expressed. You know that three millions five hundred thousand suffrages called my family to the empire, at a time when foreigners had no influence in France. You may well suppose that I cannot, without pusillanimity, fail to recollect, that my nephew, the son of my brother, was proclaimed by the deputies in 1815; that my brother, the emperor, abdicated on that condition alone, that nothing but foreign bayo-tribes. JOSEPH NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, TREATY AT GREEN BAY. |