nis." 6. Our ex-presidents-in their retirement, like the sitting sun, they please more, though they dazzle less. 7. The freemen of the new world-the pioneers of liberty. 8. The constitutional liberty of France May it lead the way to the constitutional liberty of Europe. 9. Revenue and defence-The legitimate grounds of taxation. 10. The army and navy defenders of a nation's honor-a nation's gratitude rewards them, 11. Private interest-The best guide of national industry. 12. Charles Carroll of Carrollton-The last link of a -bright chain of worthies. 13. Civil and religious liberty -The birth-right of man.

By H. Edwards, of Massachusetts-"The patriots of the revolution-time is fast thinning their ranks, but time shall never obliterate them from the memory of their countrymen."

By B. Curtis, of N. York-The health of Mr. Brown, our late minister."

By the president-"The health of our minister, Mr. Rives."

By. C. Wistar Pinnock, of Philadelphia-"Universal suffrage-a republic's safety, when connected with, and dedendent on, universal education."

By A. Barnet of New Jersey-"The memory of Kosciusko."

By Mr. Leland, of S. Carolina-"Mr. Eynard, the friend of liberty."

By Mr. Masson, of Louisiana-"The militia of America, though surpassed in discipline, yet not in courage, by the regulars of the European powers."

By the president-"The amiable ladies of La Grange.” (Cheers.)

The company retired at a late hour.

The preceding toasts having been drunk, the president, on behalf of the committee of arrangements, proposed-Our illustrious guest-the friend of Washington, the friend of liberty, and the friend of man. After the acclamations which followed this toast had subsidedGeneral Lafayette rose and said "I most gratefully thank you, gentlemen, for your kind toast, and for the affectionate manner in which it has been received. Your invitation to celebrate the anniversary of the fourth of July, could not but have had upon me, the moment I received it, the effect of magnetic attraction. During the succession of fifty-three anniversaries, whether on the INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. field of war, in civic celebration, or in the dungeons of a From the Georgia Journal. erowned European coalition, it has ever been my pride Disappointment.-We, like many others in the United and delight to hail our great era of American In- States, hailed the veto of the president, on the Maysville dependence, and to worship the rising sun of univer- bill, as the harbinger of better times, the forerunner of sal freedom.-(Cheers.) It is this day, gentlemen, the adoption of a wiser policy, by the administration of which Jefferson and Adams esteemed themselves hap- the federal government, and, especially, as a mortal py in being allowed to behold once more, before surren-blow given to the "American system." We congratudering up their last breath. And to us, the few survi-lated ourselves, and the American people, a little too vors of the revolution, it seems that on this day we be- soon. If we had waited a little while, our tone would hold our departed companions, whom we are soon to not have been so joyous. We received a few days ago join, looking down, with Washington at their head, on from Washington city, a copy of the laws passed at the these numerous celebrations, and hear them again relast session of congress. These laws underwent our commending, as they did during their lives, the preser-examination: and what have we seen? Appropriations, vation of those American fellow-feelings of that union between the states, which, whatever may be the momentary language of parties, is deeply rooted in every American heart.-(Cheers.) And who can better testify to this truth, than the veteran whose happy lot it has lately been to visit the twenty-four states of the confederacy? and who, from the kindness of the people towards him, has enjoyed, it may be said, an individual communication with the twelve millions of their inhabitants.

Nor will it, perhaps, appear misplaced in me, also to bear witness to the universal sympathy, the fraternal good wishes, which I have observed in the people of the United States towards those of the other parts of the American hemisphere. May they, after the example of their elder brethren, by wise institutions, civic virtues, and practical freedom attain to an equal degree, the blessings of tranquility and happiness. May they, whatever! may be the suggestions of European jealousy, or the errors of local prejudice, in the remembrance of what was done by the United States in their behalf, long before any European power had consented to acknowledge their independence, as well as in the congeniality of their republican principles, find the only sure way to the guarantees of a purely American system of politics. Permit me, gentlemen, to offer you as a toast-The constitution of the United States-the price of blood-the work of wisdom-the happy republican compound of state rights and federal energy-may it ever stand far above party collisions, under the sole patronage of national good sense and self-government.

The general sat down amidst the most enthusiastic applause.

Mr. Poncet, of Baltimore, then gave-"Our absent friend, George Washington Latayette."

By Mr. Matlock, of New Jersey-The memory of the Bourbon, who served us with money and men in our revolutionary war-the memory of the Bourbon, who suffered as a christian, and died as became his life-the memory of Louis XVI."

By M. Levasseur-"the United States of America— the true practical school of civil and religious liberty

sanctioned by the president, which are so near of kin to the provisions of the Maysville bill, that it is impossible to deny the identity of the purentage. To show the reader how the public money is disposed of by the honorable representatives of the people, we have made the following extracts, from the several appropriation laws, in order that he may judge for himself, whether the Maysville ball alone, should have been rejected by the president.

RIVERS.

Appropriations for removing obstructions at the mouth's of certain rivers. In Ohio

New York

$22,129

13,335

$851,000

National armories

360,000

Armament of fortifications 100,000

$1,311,000

may her wise lessons be ere long understood by old Eu- Appropriations for forufications

[If the public money may not be used for such purposes, we cannot comprehend the reason why taxes are Taid, except to pay persons in office. But, might not the editors of the "Georgia Journal" be content with the sudden arrest of the progress of internal improvements, in the vetoes of the Maysville and Rockville turnpike road bills, and the quashing of the general light house bill, and that to further the making of the Louisville and Portland canal, which, remaining unsigned, died a natural death?]

SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY, Delivered at the mechanics' collation, in the Apollonian garden, Cincinnati, on the 3d August, 1830. Eighth toast.-OUR VALUED GUEST. It is his highest eulogium, that the name of HENRY CLAY, is inseparably associated with the best interests of the country, as their asserter and advocate.

When the enthusiastic cheering which followed the reading of this toast had subsided, Mr. CLAY rose and addressed the company as followsMr. President and fellows citizens:

In rising to make the acknowledgments which are due from me, for the sentiment which has been just drank, and for the honors which have been spontaneously rendered to me, on my approach, and during my visit to this city, I feel more than ever the incompetency of all language adequately to express the grateful feelings of my heart. Of these distinguished honors, crowned heads themselves might well be proud. They indeed possess a value far surpassing that of any similar testimonies which could be offered to the chief of an absolute government. There they are, not unfrequently, tendered by reluctant subjects, awed by a sense of terror, or impelled by a spirit of servility. Here, in this land of equal laws and equal liberty, they are presented to a private fellow citizen, possessing neither office nor power, nor enjoying any rights or privileges which are not common to every member of the community. Power could not buy nor deter them. And, what confers an estimable value upon them to me-what makes them alone worthy of you or more acceptable to their object, is that they are offered, not to the man, but to the public principles and public interests which you are pleased to associate with his 'name. On this occasion too, they emanate from one of those great productive classes which form the main pillars of public liberty and public prosperity. I thank you, fellow citizens, most cordially, for these endearing proofs of your friendly attachment. They have made an impression of gratitude on my heart which can never be effaced, during the residue of my life. I avail myself of this last opportunity of being present at any large collection of my fellow citizens of Ohio, during my present visit, to express my respectful acknowledgments for the hospitality and kindness with which I have been every where received and entertained. Throughout my journey, undertaken solely for private purposes, there has been a constant effort on my side to repress, and, on that of my fellow citizens of Ohio, to exhibit public manifestations of their affection and confidence. It has been marked by a succession of civil triumphs. I have been escorted from village to village, and have every where found myself surrounded by large concourses of my fellow citizens, often of both sexes, greeting and welcoming me. Nor should I do justice to my feelings, if I confined the expression of my obligations to those only with whom I had the happiness to agree, on a late public event. They are equally due to the candid and libe

ral of those from whom it was my misfortune to differ on
that occasion, for their exercise towards me of all the
rites of hospitality and neighborly courtesy. It is true
that, in one or two of the towns through which I passed,
I was informed that attempts were made, by a few politi-
cal zealots, to dissuade portions of my fellow citizens
from visiting and saluting me. These zealots seemed to
apprehend that an invading army was about to enter the
town: that it was necessary to sound the bells, to beat the
drums, to point the cannon, and to make all needful pre-
parations for a resolute assault and a gallant defence.-
They were accordingly seen in the streets and at public
places beating up for recruits, and endeavoring to drill
their men. But I believe there were only a few who
were awed by their threats or seduced by their bounty,
to enlist in such a cause. The great body of those who
thought differently from me, in the instance referred to,
remained firm and immoveable. They could not com-
prehend that it was wrong to extend to a stranger from
a neighbouring state the civilities which belong to social
life. They could not comprehend that it was right to
transform political differences into deadly animosities.-
Seeing that varieties in the mode of worshipping the
great Ruler of the Universe did not disturb the harmo-
ny of private intercourse, they could not comprehend
the propriety of extending to mortal man a sacrifice
which is not offered to our immortal father, of all the
friendly and social feelings of our nature, because we
could not all agree as to the particular exercise of the
elective franchise. As independent and intelligent free-
men, they would not consent to submit to an arrogant
usurpation which assumed the right to control their ac-
tions and to regulate the feelings of their hearts, and
they scorned, with indignation, to yield obedience to the
mandates of would-be dictators. To quiet the appre-
hensions of these zealots, I assure them that I do not
march at the head of any military force; that I have
neither horse, foot, nor dragoon, and that I travel with
my friend Charles, (a black boy residing in my family,
for whom I feel the same sort of attachment that I do for
my own children,) without sword, pistol, or musket!—
Another species of attempted embarrassment has been
practised by an individual of this city. About an hour
before I left my lodgings for this spot, he caused a packet
to be left in my room by a little boy; who soon made his
exit. Upon opening it I looked at the signature, and that
was enough for me. It contained a long list of interro-
gatories which I was required publicly to answer. I read
only one or two of them. There are some men whose
contact is pollution. I can recognize no right in the per-
son in question to catechize me. I can have no intercourse
with one who is a disgrace to the gallant and generous
nation from which he sprang. I cannot stoop to be thus
interrogated by a man whose nomination to a paltry office
was rejected by nearly the unanimous vote of the senate;
I must be excused if, when addressing my friends, the
mechanic's of Cincinnati, I will not speak from his notes.
On the renewal of the charter of the present bank of the
United States, which I believe formed the subject of one
or two of these interrogatories, I will say a few words
for your, not his sake. I will observe, in the first place,
that I am not in favor of such a bank as was recommend-
ed in the message of the president of the U. States, at
the commencement of the last session of congress; that,
with the committee of the two houses, I concur in think-
ing it would be an institution of a dangerous and alarm-
ing character; and that, fraught as it would be with the
most corrupting tendencies, it might be made powerfully
instrumental in overturning our liberties. As to the ex-
isting bank, I think it has been generally administered,
and particularly of late years, with great ability and in-
tegrity; that it has fulfilled all the reasonable expecta-
tions of those who constituted it; and, with the same
committees, I think it has made an approximation to-
wards the equalization of the currency, as great as is
practicable. Whether the charter ought to be renewed
or rot, near six years hence, in my judgment, is a ques-
tion of expediency to be decided by the then existing
state of the country. It will be necessary at that time to
look carefully at the condition both of the bank and of
the union. To ascertain, if the public debt shall, in the
mean time, be paid off, what effect that will produce?
what will be our then financial condition? what that of

article, could not consume of European fabrics from cotton a greater amount than they now derive from Europe and from manufactures within their own limits.

the adoption of the American system, notwithstanding the existence of causes which have obstructed its fair operation, and retarded its full developement, is incontestible. Both the freeman and the slave are now better and cheaper supplied than they were prior to an existerce of that system. Cotton fabrics have diminished in price, and been improved in their texture to an extent that it is difficult for the imagination to keep pace with. Those partly of cotton and partly of wool are also better and cheaper supplied. The same observation is applicable to those which are exclusively wrought of wool, iron or glass. In short, it is believed that there is not one item of the tariff inserted for the protection of native industry, which has not fallen in price. The American competition has tended to keep down the European rival fabric, and the European has tended to lower the American.

Of what then can the South Carolina planter justly complain in the operation of this system? What is there in it which justifies the harsh and strong epithets which some of her politicians have applied to it? What is there in her condition which warrants their assertion, that she is oppressed by a government to which she stands in the mere relation of a colony? She is oppressed by a great reduction in the price of manufactured articles of consumption.

But it is confidently believed that the consumption of cotton fabrics, on the supposition which has been made, within the United States, would be much less than it is at present. It would be less, because the American consumer would not possess the means or ability to purchase as much of the European fabric as he now does to buy the American. Europe purchases but little of the produce of the northern, middle and western regions of the United States. The staple productions of those regions are excluded from her consumption by her policy or by her native supplies of similar productions. The effect, therefore, of obliging the inhabitants of those regions to depend upon the cotton, manufactures of Europe for necessary supplies of the article, would be alike injurious to them and to the cotton grower. They would suffer from their inability to supply their wants, and there would be a consequent diminution of the consumption of cotton. By the location of the manufacture in the United States, the quantity of cotton consumed is increased, and the more numerous portion of their inhabitants, who would not be otherwise sufficiently supplied, are abundantly served. That this is the true state of things, I think cannot be doubted by any reflecting and unprejudiced man. The establishment of manufactures She is oppressed by the advantage of two markets for within the United States, enables the manufacturer to the sale of her valuable staple, and for the purchase of sell to the farmer, the mechanic, the physician, the law-objects required by her wants. yer, and all who are engaged in other pursuits of life;" She is oppressed by better prices for that staple than and these, in their turns, supply the manufacturer with she could command if the system to which they object subsistence, and whatever else his wants require. Under did not exist. the influence of the protecting policy, many new towns have been built and old ones enlarged. The population of these places draw their subsistence from the farming interest of our country, their fuel from our forests and coal mines, and the raw materials, from which they fashion and fabricate, from the cotton planter and the mines of our country. These mutual exchanges, so.animating and invigorating to the industry of the people of the United States, could not possibly be effected between America and Europe, if the latter enjoyed the monopoly of manufacturing.

It results, therefore, that, so far as the sale of the great southern staple is concerned, a greater quantity is sold and consumed, and consequently better prices are obtained, under the operation of the American system, than would be without it. Does that system oblige the cotton planters to buy dearer or worse articles of consumption than he could purchase, if it did not exist?

She is oppressed by the option of purchasing cheaper and better articles, the produce of the hands of American freemen, instead of dearer and worse articles, the produce of the hands of British subjects.

She is oppressed by the measures of a government in which she has had, for many years, a larger proportion of power and influence, at home and abroad, than any state in the whole union, in comparison with the popula tion.

A glance at the composition of the government of the union will demonstrate the truth of this last proposition, In the senate of the United States, South Carolina having the presiding officer, exercises nearly one-sixteenth instead of one-twenty-fourth part of both its legislative and executive functions.

In both branches of congress some of her citizens now occupy, as chairmen of committees, the most important and influential stations. In the supreme court of the U, The same cause of American and European competi-States, one of her citizens being a member, she has one tion, which enables him to sell more of the produce of seventh part, instead of about one-twentieth, her equal his industry, and at better prices, also enables him to proportion of the whole power vested in that tribunal. buy cheaper and better articles for consumption. It can- Until within a few months she had nearly one-third of not be doubted that the tendency of the competition, be-all the missions of the first grade, from this to foreign tween the European and American manufacturer, is to countries. In a contingency, which is far from impossireduce the price and improve the quality of their respec- ble, a citizen of South Carolina would instantly become tive fabrics, whenever they come into collision. This is charged with the administration of the whole of the vast the immutable law of all competition. If the American power and patronage of the executive of the United manufacture were discontinued, Europe would then ex- States. clusively furnish those supplies which are now derived from the establishments in both continents; and the first consequence would be an augmentation of the demand, beyond the supply, equal to what is now manufactured in the United States, but which, in the contingency supposed, would be wrought in Europe. If the destruction of the American manufactures were sudden, there would be a sudden and probably a considerable rise in the European fabrics. Although, in the end, they might be again reduced, it is not likely that the ultimate reduction of the prices would be to such rates as if both the workshops of America and Europe remained sources of sup*ply. There would also be a sudden reduction in the price of the raw material in consequence of the cessation of American demand. And this reduction would be permanent, if the supposition be correct, that there would be a diminution in the consumption of cotton fabrics arising out of the inability, on the part of large portions of the people of the United States, to purchase those of Europe.

That the effect of competition between the European and American manufacture has been to supply the American consumer with cheaper and better articles, since

Yet her situation has been compared to that of a colony which has no voice in the laws enacted by the parent country for its subjection! And, to be relieved from this cruel state of vassallage, and to put down a system which has been established by the united voice of all America, some of her politicians have broached a doctrine as new as it would be alarming, if it were sustained by numbers in proportion to the zeal and fervid eloquence with which it is inculcated. I call it a novel doctrine. I am not unaware that attempts have been made to support it on the authority of certain acts of my native and adopted states. Although many of their citizens are much more competent than I am to vindicate them from this imputation of purposes of disunion and rebellion, my veneration and affection for them both, urge me to bear my testimony of their innocence of such a charge. At the epoch of 1798-9, I had just attained my majority, and although I was too young to share in the public councils of my country, I was acquainted with many of the actors of that memorable period; I knew their views, and formed and freely expressed my own opinions on passing events. The then administration of the general government was believed to entertain view

(whether the belief was right or wrong is not material to
this argument, and is now an affair of history) hostile to
the existence of the liberties of this country. The alien
and sedition laws, particularly, and other measures, were
thought to be the consequences and proots of those views.
If the administration had such a purpose, it was feared
that the extreme case, justifying forcible resistance,
might arise, but no one believed that, in point of fact, it
had arrived. No one contended that a single state pos-
sessed the power to annul the deliberate acts of the
whole. And the best evidence of these remarks is the
fact that the most odious of those laws (the sedition act)
was peaceably enforced in the capital of that great state
which took the lead in opposition to the existing admi-
nistration.

The doctrines of that day, and they are as true at this,
were, that the federal government is a limited govern-
ment; that it has no powers but the granted powers.
Virginia contended that, in case "of a palpable, deliberate
and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by
said compact, the states, who are parties thereto, have
the right to interpose for arresting the progress of the
evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the
authorities, rights and liberties, appertaining to them."
Kentucky declared that the "several states, that framed
that instrument, the federal constitution, being sovereign
and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge
of its infractions, and a nullification by those sovereign-
ties of all unauthorized acts, done under color of that in-
strument, is the rightful remedy.'

Neither of those two commonwealths asserted the right of a single state to interpose and annul an act of the whole. This is an inference drawn from the doctrines then laid down, and it is not a principle expressly asserted or fairly deducible from the language of either. Both refer to the states collectively (and not individually) when they assert their right, in case of Federal usurpation, to interpose "for arresting the progress of evil." Neither state ever did, no state ever yet has, by its separate legislation, undertaken to set aside an act of congress.

ever, to suppose that the state might, after the act was performed, remain a member of the union. Now, if one state can, by an act of its separate power, absolve itself from the obligations of a law of congress, and continue a part of the union, it could hardly be expected that any other state would render obedience to the same law. Either every other state would follow the nullifying example, or congress would feel itself constrained, by a sense of equal duty to all parts of the union, to repeal altogether the nullified law. Thus, the doctrine of South Carolina, although it nominally assumes to act for one state only, in effect, would be legislating for the whole union.

Congress embodies the collective will of the whole union, and that of South Carolina among its other members. The legislation of congress is, therefore, founded upon the basis of the representation of all. In the legis lature, or a convention of South Carolina, the will of the people of that state is alone collected. They alone are represented, and the people of no other state have any voice in their proceedings. To set up for that state a claim, by a separate exercise of its power, to legislate, in effect, for the whole union, is to assert a pretension at war with the fundamental principles of all representa tive and free governments. It would practically subject the unrepresented people of all other parts of the union to the arbitrary and despotic power of one state. It would substantially convert them into colonies, bound by the parental authority of that state.

Nor can this enormous pretension derive any support from the consideration that the power to annul is different from the power to originate laws. Both powers are, in their nature, legislative; and the mischief's which might accrue to the republic from the annulment of its wholesome laws, may be just as great as those which would flow from the origination of bad laws. There are three things to which, more than all others, mankind in all ages, have shown themselves to be attached, their religion, their laws, and their language.

But it has been argued, in the most solemn manner, "that the acknowledgment of the exclusive right of the That the states collectively may interpose their autho- federal government to determine the limits of its own rity to check the evils of federal usurpation, is manifest. powers, amounts to a recognition of its absolute supreThey may dissolve the union. They may alter at plea-macy over the states and the people, and involves the sure the character of the constitution, by amendment; sacrifice not only of our dearest rights and interests, but they may annul any acts purporting to have been passed the very existence of the southern states." in conformity to it, or they may, by their elections, In cases where there are two systems of government, change the functionaries to whom the administration of operating at the same time and place over the same peoits powers is confided. But no one state, by itself, is ple, the one general and the other local or particular, competent to accomplish these objects. The power of one system or the other must possess the right to decide a single state to annul an act of the whole, has been re-apon the extent of the powers, in cases of collision, served for the discovery of some politicians in South which are claimed by the general government. No third Carolina. party, of sufficient impartiality, weight, and responsibility, other than such a tribunal as a supreme court, has yet been devised, or perhaps can be created.

The doctrine of one side is, that the general government, though limited in its nature, must necessarily possess the power to ascertain what authority it has, and, by consequence, the extent of that authority. And that, if its legislative or executive functionaries, by act, transcend that authority, the question may be brought before the supreme court, and, being affirmatively decided by that tribunal, their act must be obeyed until repealed or altered by competent power.

It is not my purpose, upon an occasion so unfit, to discuss this pretension. Upon another and a more suitable theatre, it has been examined and refuted, with an ability and eloquence, which have never been surpassed on the floors of congress. But, as it is announced to be one of the means which is intended to be employed to break down the American system, I trust that I shall be ex'cused for a few additional passing observations. On a late festive occasion, in the state where it appears to find most favor, it is said, by a gentleman whom I once proudly called my friend, and towards whom I have done nothing to change that relation-a gentleman who has Against the tendency of this doctrine to absorb all been high in the councils and confidence of the nation-power, those who maintain it, think there are reason that the tariff must be resisted at all hazards. Another able, and, they hope, sufficient securities. In the first gentleman, who is a candidate for the chief magistracy place, all are represented in every legislative or execuof that state, declares that the time and the case for re-tive act, and, of course, each state can exert its proper sistance had arrrived. And a third, a senator of the U. influence, to prevent the adoption of any that may be States, who enjoys unbounded confidence with the Ame- deemed prejudicial or unconstitutional-Then, there rican executive, laid down principles and urged argu- are sacred oaths, elections, public virtue and intelli-. ments tending directly and inevitably to violent resis-gence, the power of impeachment, a common subjectance, although he did not indicate that as his specific remedy.

The doctrine of some of the South Carolina politicians is, that it is competent to that state to annul, within its limits, the authority of an act deliberately passed by the congress of the United States. They do not appear to have looked much, beyond the simple act of nullification, into the consequences which would ensue, and have not distinctly announced whether one of them might not neeessarily be to light up a civil war. They seem, how-I

tion to both systems of those functionaries who act under either, the right of the states to interpose and amend the constitution, or to dissolve the union; and, finally, the right, in extreme cases, when all other remedies fail, to resist insupportable oppression.

The necessity being felt, by the framers of the constitution, to declare which system should be supreme, and believing that the securities now enumerated, or some of them, were adequate, they have accordingly provided that the constitution of the United States, and