private companies is subordinate to that of individuals, the opinions and observations, of our constituents, upon the management and control of a portion of the public a subject of the highest importance to their interests, and funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the con- one destined to exert a powerful influence upon the fustitution, and beyond the supervision of our constituents: ture operations of our political system. I know of no if superior, its officers and agents will be constantly ex-tribunal to which a public man in this country, in a case posed to imputations of favoritism and oppression. Di- of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater advanrect prejudice to the public interest, or an alienation of tage or more propriety, than the judgment of the people; the affections and respect of portions of the people, may, and although I must necessarily, in the discharge of my therefore, in addition to the general discredit resulting official duties, be governed by the dictates of my own to the government from embarking with its constituents judgement, I have no desire to conceal my anxious wish in pecuniary speculations, be looked for as the probable to conform, as far as I can, to the views of those for whom fruit of such associations. It is no answer to this objec- I act. tion to say that the extent of consequences like these cannot be great from a limited and small number of investments: because experience in other matters teaches us, and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions, that, unless an entire stop be put to them, it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation, until they are spread over the whole country, and made to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns of individuals.

In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to the Maysville and Rockville road companies, I expressed my views fully in regard to the power of congress to construct roads and canals within a state, or to appropriate money for improvements of a local character. at the same time, intimated my belief that the right to make appropriations for such as were of a national character had been so generally acted upon, and so long acquieseed in by the federal and state governments, and the constituents of each, as to justify its exercise on the ground of continued and uninterrupted usage; but that it was, nevertheless, highly expedient Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subthat appropriations, even of that character, should, with jeet, not merely as it relates to the general prosperity of the exception made at the tinie, be deferred until the the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I national debt is paid, and that, in the mean while, some cannot avoid repeating my earnest hope that all good eitigeneral rule for the action of the government in that re-zens, who take a proper interest in the success and harspeet ought to be established.

carding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle, which shall be calculated to effect the greatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford the least ground for sectional discontent.

distribution of the surplus funds which may at any time remain in the treasury after the national debt shall have been paid, among the states, in proportion to the nutnber of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement.

The general ground of my objection to local appropri- Although this plan has met with favor in some porations has been heretofore expressed; and I shall endea- tions of the union, it has also elicited objections which vor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urged-merit deliberate consideration. A briet notice of these the importance of sustaining the state sovereignties, as objections here will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded far as is consistent with the rightful action of the federal as out of place. government, and of preserving the greatest attainable They rest, as far as they have came to my knowledge, harmony between them. I will now only add an expres-on the following grounds: 1st, an objection to the ratio sion of my conviction-a conviction which every day's of distribution; 20, an apprehension that the existence of experience serves to confirm-that the political creed such a regulation would produce improvident and op which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a pressive taxation to raise the funds for distribution; Sd, paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as are system, and to which we must alone look for its future general, and as would consequently be of a more useful stability. character, and, last, that it would create a discreditable That there are diversities in the interests of the differ-and injurious dependence, on the part of the state goent states which compose this extensive confederacy, vernments, upon the federal power. Of those who ob must be admitted. Those diversities, arising from situ-jeet to the ratio of representation as the basis of disation, el mate, population and pursuits, are doubtless, as tribution, some insist that the importations of the reit is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by jea- spective states would constitute one that would be more lousies, and that spirit of rivalry so inseperable from equitable; and others again, that the extent of their reneighboring communities. These circumstances make spective territories would furnish a standard which would it the duty of those who are entrusted with the manage- be more expedient, and sufficiently equitable. ment of its affairs to neutralize their effects as far as practicable, by making the beneficial operation of the federal government as equal and equitable among the several states as can be done consistently with the great ends of its institution.

It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts, to see how far the past acts of the government upon the subject under consideration have fallen short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made for internal improvements amount to upwards of five millions of dollars, and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the states. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projeeted and partially surveyed, amount to more than ninety-six millions of dollars.

The ratio of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the customs or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that its adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution, proper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution be confined to one ground. It may, if, in the judgement of those whose right it is to fix it, it be deemed politic and just to give it that character, have regard to several..

In my first message, I stated it to be my opinion that That such improvements, on account of particular eir-it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon cumstances, may be more advantageously and benefici- principles satisfactory to the people of the union will, ally made in some states than in others, is doubtless until a remote period, if ever, leave the government true; but that they are of a character which should pre- what may be required for its current service." I have without a considerable surplus in the treasury, beyond vent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several states, is not to be conceded. The want of this had no cause to change that opinion, but much to con equitable distribution cannot fail to prove a prolific source firm it. Should these expectations be realized, a suitable of irritation amongst the states. fund would thus be produced for the plan under consiWe have it constantly before our eyes, that profes-deration to operate upon; and if there be no such fund, sions of superior zeal in the cause of internal improve-its adoption will, in my opinion, work no injury to any ment, and a disposition to lavish the public funds upon interest, for I cannot assent to the justness of the appreobjects of that character, are daily and earnestly put hension that the establishment of the proposed system forth by aspirants to power, as constituting the higliest would tend to the encouragement of improvident legisclaims to the confidence of the people. Would it be lation of the character supposed. Whatever the prostrange, under such circumstances, and in times of great per authority, in the exercise of constitutional power, excitement, that grants of this description should find shall, at any time hereafter, decide to be for the general their motives in objects which may not accord with the good, will, in that as in other respects, deserve and republic good? Those who have not had occasion to see ceive the acquiescence and support of the whole country; and regret the indication of a sinister influence in these and we have ample security that every abuse of power in matters in past times, have been more fortunate than that regard, by the agents of the people, will receive a myself in their observation of the course of public affairs. speedy and effectual corrective at their hands. The views It to these evils be added the combinations and angry conwhich I take of the future, founded on the obvious and tentions to which such a course of things gives rise, with increasing improvement of all classes of our fellow cititheir baleful influences upon the legislation of congress zens, in intelligence, and in public and private virtue, touching the leading and appropriate duties of the lede-leave me without much apprehension on that head. ial government, it was but doing justice to the character of our people to expect the severe condemnation of the past which the recent exhibition of public sentiment has Evinced.

Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the government upon the subject, can, in my opinion, remedy the evil. It, as it would be natural to expect, the states which have been least favored in past appropriations should insist on being redressed in those hereafter to be made, at the expense of the states which have so largely and disproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quarter to another.

Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the

I do not doubt that those who come after us, will be as much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trus• tees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burdens; and as sensible of the great truth, that the resources of the nation, beyond those required for the immediate and necessary purposes of government, can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people.

It may sometimes happen that the interests of particular states would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvement within such states. But if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might be reserved to congress to direct, to such improvements of a general character as the states concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of

those states, under the restriction of confining to each state the expenditure of its appropriate quota. It may, however, be assumed as a safe general rule, that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective states in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole. The strength, as well as the true glory of the confederacy, is mainly founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed, and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful active co-operation, through the agency of the federal government.

Every state cannot expect to shape the measures of the general government to suit its own particular interests. The causes which prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and cannot be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance, therefore, becomes a duty obligatory upon all; and we may, I am confident, count on a cheerful compliance with this high injunction, on the part of our constituents. It is not to be supposed that they will object to make such comparatively inconsider. able sacrifices for the preservation of rights and privileges, which other less favored portions of the world have in vain waded through seas of blood to acquire.

Our course is a safe one, if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acquiesence in the constitutionally expressed will It is, moreover, within the knowledge of such as are of the majority, and the exercise of that will in a spirit of at all conversant with public affairs, that schemes of in-moderation, justice, and brotherly kindness, will constiternal improvement have, from time to time, been pro-tute a cement which would forever preserve our union. posed which, from their extent and seeming magnificence, were regarded as of national concernment, but which, upon fuller consideration and further experience would now be rejected with great unanimity.

Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these, render a most essential service to their country; whilst those who seek to weaken their influence, are, however conscientious and praiseworthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies."

That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certainty; and that the mo- If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead neys set apart for these purposes would be more judi- of laboring to foment sectional prejudices, to be made ciously applied and economically expended under the subservient to party warfare, were, in good faith, appli direction of the state legislatures, in which every part of ed to the eradication of causes of local discontent, by the each state is immediately represented, cannot, I think, improvement of our institutions, and by facilitating their be doubted. In the new states particularly, where a adaptation to the condition of the times, this task would comparatively small population is scattered over an ex-prove one of less difficulty. May we not hope that the tensive surface, and the representation in congress con- obvious interests of our common country, and the diesequently very limited, it is natural to expect that the tates of an enlightened patriotism, will, in the end, lead appropriations made by the federal government, would the public mind in that direction. be more likely to be expended in the vicinity of those members through whose immediate agency they were obtained, than if the funds were placed under the control of the legislature, in which every county of the state has its own representative. This supposition does not necessarily impugn the motives of such congressional representatives, nor is it so intended. We are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and purest hearts are, under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the last objection, its probable effect upon the dignity and independence of the state governments, it appears to me, only necessary to state the case as it is, and as it would be if the measure proposed were adopted, to show that the operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that which the objection supposes.

After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan wholly free from objection. That which has for some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that could exist; and every advance that can be made in its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate attention.

It is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in view may yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who disapprove of the past, and dissent from what is proposed for the future, will feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensible that, unless some fixed rule for the action of the federal government in this respect is established, the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated In the one case, the state would receive its quota of to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to the national revenue for domestic use, upon a fixed prin- our legislation upon the subject-which shall best serve ciple, as a matter of right, and from a fund to the crea- to keep the movements of the federal government tion of which it had itself contributed its fair proportion. within the sphere intended by those who modelled Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As and those who adopted it—which shall lead to the exmatters now stand, the states themselves, in their sove-tinguishment of the national debt in the shortest pereign character, are not unfrequently petitioners at the riod, and impose the lightest burdens upon our conbar of the federal legislature for such allowances out of stituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm sup the national treasury, as it may comport with their plea-port. sure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It cannot require argument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the state governments.

Among the objects of great national concern. I cannot omit to press again upon your attention that part of the constitution which regulates the election of president and vice-president. The necessity for its amendment is made so clear to my mind by the But all these are matters for discussion and dispassion-they have elicited on the floor of congress and elsewhere, that I observation of its evils, and by the many able discussions which ate consideration. That the desired adjustment would should be wanting to my duty were I to withhold another exbe attempted with difficulty, affords no reason why it pression of my deep solicitude upon the subject. Our system, should not be attempted. The effective operation of fortunately, contemplates a recurrence to first principles, differ such motives would have prevented the adoption of the ing, in this respect, from all that have preceded it, and securing it, I trust, equally against the decay and the commotions which constitution under which we have so long lived, and un- have marked the progress of other governments. Our fellow citi der the benign influence of which our beloved country zens, too, who, in proportion to their love of liberty, keep a has so signally prospered. The framers of that sacred steady eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to be instrument had greater difficulties to overcome, and they tial defects in so vital a part of their system. While they are senreminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essendid overcome them. The patriotism of the people, di-sible that every evil attendant upon its operation is not, necessa rected by a deep conviction of the importance of therily, indicative of a bad organization, but may proceed from temunion, produced mutual, concession and reciprocal for-porary causes, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance bearance. Strict right was merged in a spirit of con-of evils, which can be clearly traced to an organic defect, will promise, and the result has consecrated their disinterest ed devotion to the general weal. Unless the American people have degenerated, the same result can be again effected, whenever experience points out the necessity of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared.

for the work of their ancestors. The constitution was an experi not, I trust, be overlooked through a too scrupulous veneration ment committed to the virtue and intelligence of the great mass of our countrymen, in whose ranks the framers of it themselves were to perform the part of patriotic observation and scrutiny; and, confidence in its general adaptation to our condition, we should if they have passed from the stage of existence with an increased learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying the points in It is beyond the power of man to make a system of it, which time proves to be exposed, rather than be deterred from government like ours, or any other, operate with pre-approaching them by the suggestions of facts, or the dictates of

cise equality upon states situated like those which compose this confederacy; nor is inequality always injustice.

misplaced reverence.

A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of their chief magistrate, but has a tendency to defeat their will,

presented to my mind such an inconsistency with the general spirit of our institutions, that I was induced to suggest for your consideration the substitute which appeared to me, at the same time, the most likely to correct the evil and to meet the views of our constituents. The most mature reflection since, has added strength to the belief, that the best interests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plan calculated to effect this end. A contingency which sometimes places it in the power of a single member of the house of representatives to decide an election of so high and solemn a character, is unjust to the peo ple, and becomes, when it occurs, a source of embarrassment to the individuals thus brought into power, and a cause of distrust of the representative body. Liable as the confederacy is, from its great extent, to parties, founded upon sectional interests, and to a corresponding multiplication of candidates for the presideney, the tendency of the constitutional reference to the house of representatives, is to devolve the election upon that body in almost every instance, and, whatever choice may then be made among the candidates thus presented to them, to swell the influence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with the general good. The consequences of this feature of the constitution appear far more threatening to the peace and integrity of the union than any which I can conceive as likely to result from the simple legislative action of the federal government.

and have agreed to remove beyond the Mississippi river. Treaties have been made with them, which, in due season, will be subinitted for consideration. In negotiating these treaties, they were made to understand their true condition; and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the western forests to submitting to the laws of the states in which they now reside. These treaties being probably the last which will ever be made with them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of the government. They give the Indians a liberal sum in consideration of their removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have been subject in Alabama and Mississippi.

Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country; and philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising means to avert it. But its progress has never for a moment been arrested; and one by one have inany powerful tribes disappeared from the earth. To follow to the tomb, the last of bis race, and to tread on the graves of extinct nations, excites melancholy reflections. But true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes, as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the monuments and fortresses of an unknown people, spread over the extensive regions of the west, we It was a leading object with the framers of the constitution to behold the inemorials of a once powerful race, which was exterkeep as separate as possible the action of the legislative and exeminated, or has disappeared, to make room for the existing savage cutive branches of the government. To secure this object, no tribes. Nor is there any thing in this, which, upon a comprething is more essential than to preserve the former from the temp hensive view of the general interests of the human race, is to be tations of private interest, and, therefore, so to direct the patron regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to see this continent reage of the latter as not to permit such temptations to be offered. stored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers. Experience abundantly demonstrates that every precaution in this What good man would prefer a country covered with forests, and respect is a valuable safeguard of liberty, and one which my re- ranged by a few thousand savages, to our extensive republic, studflections upon the tendencies of our system incline me to think ded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms, embellished with all should be made still stronger. It was for this reason that, in the improvements which art can devise, or industry execute; occu connexion with an amendment of the constitution, removing all pied by more than twelve millions of happy people, aud filled with intermediate agency in the choice of the president, I recommended all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion! some restrictions upon the re-eligibility of that officer, and upon the tenure,of offices, generally. The reason still exists; and I renew the recommendation, with an increased confidence that its adoption will strengthen those cheeks by which the constitution designed to secure the independence of each department of the government, and promote the healthful and equitable administration of all the trusts which it has created. The agent most likely to contravene this design of the constitution is the chief magistrate. In order, particularly, that his appointment may, as far as possible, be placed, beyond the reach of any improper influences; in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilities of the highest office in the gift of a free people, uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of constitutional duty; and that the securities for this inde pendence may be rendered as strong as the nature of power, and the weakness of its possessor, will admit, I cannot too earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting such amendment of the constitution as will render him ineligible after one term of

service.

The present policy of the government is but a continuation of the same progressive change, by a milder process. The tribes which occupied the countries now constituting the eastern states were annihilated, or have melted away to make room for the whites, The waves of population and civilization are rolling to the westward; and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the red men of the south and west, by a fair exchange, and, at the expense of the United States, to send them to a land where their existence may be prolonged, and perhaps made perpetual. Doubt less it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but what do they more than our ancestors did, or than our children are now doing. To better their condition in an unknown land, our fore fathers left all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children, by thousands, yearly leave the land of their birth, to seek new homes in distant regions. Does humanity weep at these painful separations from every thing animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has become entwined? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind, developThese remove hundreds, and almost thousands of miles, at their own expense, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves at their new home from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in this government, when, by events which it cannot control, the Indian is made discontented in his ancient home, to purchase his lands, to give him a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of his removal, and support him a year in his new abode? How many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the west on such conditions! If the offers made to the Indians were extended to them, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy.

It gives me pleasure to announce to congress that the benevo lent policy of the government, steadily pursued for nearly thirtying the power and faculties of man in their highest perfection. years, in relation to the removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements, is approaching to a happy consummation. Two important tribes have accepted the provision made for their removal at the last session of congress; and it is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes, also to seek the same obvious advantages.

And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home, than the settled, civilized christian? Is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers, than it is to our brothers and children? Rightly considered, the policy of the general government towards the red man is not only liberal but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the states, and mingle with their population. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utter annihilation, the general government kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement.

The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the United States, to individual states, and to the Indians themselves. The pecuniary advantages which it promises to the government are the least of its recommendations. It puts an end to all possible danger of collision between the authorities of the general and state governments, on account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters. By opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the north, and Louisiana on the south, to the settlement of the whites, it will incalculably strengthen the southwestern frontier, and render the adjacent states strong enough to repel future invasion without remote aid. It will relieve the whole state of Mississippi, and the western part of Alabama, of Indian occupancy, and enable those states to advance rapidly in population, wealth, and power. It will separate the Indians from immediate contact with settlements of whites; free In the consummation of a policy originating at an early pe them from the power of the states; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way, and under their own rude institutions; will riod, and steadily pursued by every administration within the pre sent century--so just to the states, and so generous to the Indians, retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their numbers; and perhaps cause them gradually, under the protection of the the executive feels it has a right to expect the co-operation of congovernment, and through the influence of good counsels, to cast off gress, and of all good and disinterested men. The states, moreotheir savage habits, and become an interesting, civilized and chris-ver, have a right to demand it. It was substantially a part of the tian community. These consequences, some of them so certain, and the rest so probable, make the complete execution of the plan sanctioned by congress at their last session an object of much so licitude.

Toward the aborigines of the country no one can indulge a more friendly feeling than myself, or would go further in attempt ing to reclaim them from their wandering habits, and make them a happy and prosperous people. I have endeavored to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of the duties and powers of the general government in relation to the state authorities. For the justice of the laws passed by the states within the scope of their reserved powers, they are not responsible to this government. As individuals, we may entertain and express our opinions of their acts; but, as a government, we have as little right to control them as we have to prescribe laws to foreign nations.

With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and Chickasaw tribes have, with great unanimity, determined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the act of congress,

compact which made them members of our confederacy. With Georgia there is an express contract; with the new states, an im plied one, of equal obligation. Why, in authorizing Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and Alabama, to form constitutions, and become separate states, did congress include within their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes? Was it not understood by both parties that the power of the states was to be co-extensive with their limits, and that, with all convenient despatch, the general government should extinguish the Indian title, and remove every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction of the state governments over the soil? Probably not one of those states would have accepted a separate existence-certainly it would never have been granted by congress-had it been understood that they were to be coufined for ever to those small portions of their nominal territory, the Indian title to which had at the time been extinguished.

It is, therefore, a duty which this government owes to the new states, to extinguish, as soon as possible, the Indian title to all

lands which congress themselves have included within their limits. The best, as well as fairest mode of determining whether, When this is done, the duties of the general government in rela- from any just considerations, a particular interest ought to retion to the states and Indians within their limits are at an end.ceive protection, would be to submit the question singly for deThe Indians may leave the state or not, as they choose. The pur- liberation. If, after due examination of its merits, unconnected chase of their lands does not alter in the least, their personal re- with extraneous considerations--such as a desire to sustain a ge lations with the state government. No set of the general govern neral system, or to purchase support for a different interest--it ment has ever been deemed necessary to give the states jurisdie should enlist in its favor a majority of the representatives of the tion over the persons of the Indians. That they possess, by virtue people, there can be little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting of their sovereign power within their own limits, in as full a man the tariff, with reference to its protective effect. If this obviousner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands; nor can this ty just principle were honestly adhered to, the branches of ingovernment add to or diminish it. dustry which deserve protection, would be saved from the preju May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, and none dice excited against them, when that protection forms part of a more zealously than those who think the Indians oppressed by system by which portions of the country feel, or conceive themsubjection to the laws of the states, will unite in attempting to selves to be oppressed. What is incalculably more important, open the eyes of those children of the forest to their true condi- the vital principle of our system--that principle which requires tion, and, by a speedy removal, to relieve them from the evils, real acquiescence in the will of the majority--would be secure trom or imaginary, present or prospective, with which they may be the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of supposed to be threatened." majorities, founded, not on identity of conviction, but on combinations of small minorities, entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance in measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never be carried.

Among the numerous causes of congratulation, the condition of our impost revenue deserves special mention, inasmuch as it promises the means of extinguishing the publie debt sooner than was anticipated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariff upon our commercial interests. The object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional; and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts.

The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the several states. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely incidental to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other. The states have delegat ed their whole authority over imports to the general government, without limitation or restriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the states, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them; and, consequently, it it be not possessed by the general government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot be the case: this indispensable power, thus surrendered by the states, must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to congress.

In this conclusion, 1 am confirmed as well by the opinions of presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the constitution, as by the uniform practice of congress, the continu ed acquiescence of the states, and the general understanding of the people.

should be understood.

I am well aware, that this is a subject of so much delicacy, on account of the extended interests it involves, as to require that it should be touched with the utmost caution; and that, while an abandonment of the policy in which it originated--a policy coeval with our government, and pussued through successive administrations, is neither to be expected or desired, the people have a right to demand, and have demanded, that it be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice. That our deliberations on this interesting subject should be uninfluenced by those partizan conflicts that are incident to free institutions, is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this great question, which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind, subservient to the short-sighted views of faction, must destroy all hope of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people, and for the general interest. I cannot, therefore, on taking leave of the subject, too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good, warn you against the blighting consequences of such a course.

According to the estimates at the treasury department the receipts in the treasury during the present year will amount to twenty-four millions one hundred and sixty-one thousand and eighteen dollars, which will exceed by about three hundred thou sand dollars the estimate presented in the last annual report of the secretary of the treasury,-The total expenditure during the year, exclusive of public debt, is estimated at thirteen millions seven hundred and forty-two thousand three hundred and eleven dollars; and the payment on account of public debt for the same period will have been eleven millions three hundred and fiftyfour thousand six hundred and thirty dollars; leaving a balance in the treasury, on the first of January, 1831, of four millions eight hundred and nineteen thousand seven hundred and eightyone dollars.

The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff, although great, are far from being insurmountable. Some are unwilling to improve any of its parts, because they would destroy the whole: others fear to touch the objectionable parts, In connexion with the condition of our finances, it affords me lest those they approve should be jeopardized. I am persuaded pleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have that the advocates of these conflicting views do injustice to the been made by the treasury department for securing the pecuniary American people, and to their representatives. The general inte responsibility of the public officers, and the more punctual payrest is the interest of each: and my confidence is entire, that, to ment of the public dues. The revenue cutter service has been ensure the adoption of such modifications of the tariff as the organized, and placed on a good footing; and, aided by an ingeneral interest requires, it is only necessary that that interest crease of inspectors at exposed points, and the regulations adopt ed under the act of May, 1830, for the inspection and appraise It is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and ment of merchandise, have produced much inprovement in the prejudices with the operation of our reasoning powers, and at- execution of the laws, and more security against the commission tribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes qualities, they do of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allowances for fishing not possess, and effects they cannot produce. The effects of the bounties have also been corrected, and a material saving in that present tariff are doubtless overrated, both in its evils and in its branch of the service, thereby effected. In addition to these imadvantages. By one class of reasoners, the reduced price of cot-provements, the system of expenditure for sick seamen belongton and other agricultural products is ascribed wholly to its influ-ing to the merchant service has been revised; and, by being renence, and by another, the reduced price of manufactured articles. dered uniform and economical, the benefits of the fund applica The probability is, that neither opinion approaches the truth, and ble to this object have been usefully extended. that both are induced by that influence of interests and prejudices to which I have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout the commercial world, embracing not only the raw material and the manufactured article, but provisions and lands. The eause must, therefore, be deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the United States. It may, in a measure, be attributable to the increased value of the precious metals, produced by a diminu.jects which it specifies. tion of the supply, and an increase in the demand; while com. merce has rapidly extended itself, and population has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the general medium of exchange, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions in the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of the effect, too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and improvements in machinery. But, on the whole, it is questionable whether the reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures, has been greater than the appreciation of the standard of value. While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures. In this a ljustment, however, it is the duty of the government to be guided by the general gool. Objects of national importance, alone, ought to be protected; of these, the productions of our soil, our mines. and our workshops, essential to national defence, occupy the first rank. Whatever other species of domestic industry, having the importance to which I have referred, may be expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign labor on equal terms, merit the same attention in a subordinate degree.

The present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily high: it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute, to justify a general exaction; and it also attempts to force some kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe.-Mueh relief will be derived, in some of these respects, from the measures of your last session.

The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of publie lands, as will appear from the report of the commissoner of the general land office, and the documents accompanying it, which are herewith transmitted. I beg leave to draw your attention to this report, and to the propriety of making early appropriations for the ob

Your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with that portion of the public interests entrusted to the war depart ment. Some of them were referred to in my former message; and they are presented in detail in the report of the secretary of war, herewith submitted. I refer you, also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the state of the army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs; all of which, it will be perceived, have been guarded with zealous attention and care.

It is worthy of your consideration whether the armaments necessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier, which are now, or shortly will be, completed, should not be in readiness sooner than customary appropriations will enable the department to provide them. This precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortification which has been sanctioned by congress, and is recommended by that maxim of wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war.

I refer you to the report of the secretary of the navy for highly satisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of that department have been conducted during the present year. Our position in relation to the most powerful nations of the earth, and the present condition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our national defence with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all those governments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothing to apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon our com