cause. Now, that the measures of the general govern- | judge Johnson of the United States court, and that if any ment have resulted in failure, as we believed they would, encouragement is received from him, judge Marshall is we say again, that Georgia nust act on her own respon- dext to be visited. sibility.

We are the more solicitous that Georgia should thus act because we wish to see whether the horn flint and wooden nutmeg gentry will dare to carry into execution their threats of aiding the Indians, in their resistance to the measures of Georgia. (Ed. Journal.

This matter is rapidly approaching its final result. As one of the important incidents connected with it, we call the attention of the reader to the correspondence between Mr. Wirt and gov. Gilmer, published in this paper. They cannot be otherwise than highly gratified with the manner in which the gross indignity offered to their state, has been repelled by their chief magistrate.— The position which Georgia now occupies, in relation to Has it come to this, that a sovereign and independent state her lands in the occupancy of the Cherokee Indians, de-, is to be insulted, by being asked to become a party, bemands of her people, deep, calm, and mature reflection. fore the supreme court, with a few savages, resuling on She is called upon to decule one of the most interest-her own territory !!!--Unparalleled impudence. ing questions which has been presented for her consi- As we suggest m'another part of this paper, we verily deration, since her organization as a state; and she has expect that the next movement will be an attempt on now to determine whether she will relinquish her claim the part of the Cherokee nation to extend the Indian to the territory forever, or whether she will assert her laws over the people of Georgia. We will hereafter be rights, and exert her energies to maintain them. surprized at nothing that may occur in that quarter. The object of this essay, is to awaken a spirit of en-The Indians will find plenty of backers in the other quiry among the people, upon this all absorbing ques-states, in a project of this sort. tion, that by a free interchange of opinion, and a general expression of the public sentiment, the members of the next legislature may fully understand the course which their constituents expect them to pursue.

The subject considered in all it's bearings, presents a wide field for speculation, which my fancy has no inclination to explore, it being my purpose to take a short view, of the question, as it presents itself to my understanding, upon plain common sense, matter of fact principles. In 1802 by a solemn compact entered into between the state of Georgia and the United States, it was agreed on the part of the United States, for a valuable consideration then paid in advance, that they would remove from the territory of Georgia, all the Indians then residing within her limits, whenever it could be done peaceably, and upon reasonable terms. This obligation was indefinite as to time, but the state confiding in the iptegrity and good faith of the general government, did believe that the pledge would be redeemed as soon as it was practicable. In that reasonable expectation she has been, wholly disappointed-the general government seems to have forgotton their obligation; year after year, has passed away without an effort, one administration has left its fulfilment to another, until there grew up under the administration of Mr. Adams, a settled purpose of fastening the Indians upon us forever. Thus stood the question when gen. Jackson came into office. But although he came fully impressed with the justice of our demands, and although he has made great efforts to bring the matter to a final and satisfactory issue, yet, he came too late to save the sinking character of his government from the odium of committing an act of gross injustice to a member of the union.

The abortive attempt recently made by gen. Jackson to remove the Indians from our territory, throws us back upon our own resources; and their insolent reply that they would never cede another foot of land for the use of Georgia, demands the united efforts of our people in vindication of their rights.

In connection with this subject we intended to publish in this paper, judge Clayton's charge to the grand jury of Clarke county; but to enable us to dispose of judge Wayne's speech at once, we were compelled, very reJuctantly, to postpone the publication of the charge 'till next week.,

Mr. Wirt to gov. Gilmer.

Baltimore, June 4th, 1830. Sir-A just respect for the state of Georgia, and a desire to avoid a misconstruction which might be attended with evil consequences, seem to me to call for a communication which, under other circumstances, might well be deemed officious and intrusive. The excitement with regard to the Indians with your borders is already so high, and, in this state of feeling, measures of the most innocent character are so easily misapprehended and converted into causes of offence, that I persuade myself your excellency will at least approve the motive of this letter as a measure of peace.

The Cherokee nation have consulted me, professionally, as to their rights under their various treaties with the United States. Among other questions they have asked me whether, under the federal constitution, laws and treaties, the state of Georgia has the right to extend her laws, compulsively, into their nation; and whether this question can or cannot be carried for decision to the supreme court of the United States? I am fully aware of the serious import of these questions, and regret exceedingly that they have arisen. I foresee distinctly the disastrous consequences which may be made to flow from giving the controversy this direction: and yet if it be met and conducted with proper temper, as I trust it will, it is quite as apparent that it may prove the means of peace and reconciliation. I have not sought this consuitation. It has been cast upon me in the common and regular practice of my profession; and according to my understanding of my professional duties, I am not at liberty to refuse either my advice or services to any The time fellow citizens, for temporizing has gone by, one who comes to consult me on his legal rights, and and the day of action has arrived. It is time to turn away who has nothing more in view than the assertion of those from the counsels of timid friends, and to defy the rights according to the course of the laws of the land. threats of hyprocritical and jesuitical enemies. It is time It is my misfortune to differ with the constituted auto be up and doing. You must determine the question.thorities of the state of Georgia, on the question of her Are you willing to give up the ship? or are you prepar-power to extend her laws into the Cherokee nation; and ed to instruct your representatives to pass laws to re- the late debates in congress will have satisfied your exmove every white man, at short notice and under severe cellency that in this opinion I am not singular, but that I penalties, who strall be found upon the territory, and to hold it in common with many of the most distinguished survey and dispose of the land without further delay-lawyers on our continent.-We may be wrong: and, as As one citizen of Georgia, I am not prepared to give it infallibility is not the lot of mortals, those who hold the up-I should go for the territory, the whole terr tory, opposite opinion may possibly be wrong. Fortunately and nothing but the territory. Give the people the land, there exists a tribunal before which this difference of for in the language of a great man, "men and soil con- opinion may be quietly and peace bly settled, and to this stitute the strength and wealth of nations, and the faster | tribunal'I think it may be regularly referred. I perceive you plant the men, the sooner you may draw upon both." that in the debates to which I have alluded, a mistaken HANCOCK. humanity has been supposed to warp the judgment on one side of this question, and interest on the other. In the supreme court of the United States, we shall find a tribunal as impartial and as enlightened as can be expected on this earth; or it partiality can be supposed to find its way into that high tribunal, on any occasion, it is not on such a one as this, that the Cherokee nation have a right

From the same of Aug. 28.

MR. WIRT AND THE CHEROKEES.

Since the article on Indian affairs in another part of our paper, was arranged, we have seen it stated in the publie prints that John Ross was on his way to visit

to expect it in their favor. To them the courts of the United States are foreign courts, while they are the domestic tribunals of the states of the union.

Gov. Gilmer to Mr. Wirt.

Executive department, Geo. Milledgeville, 19th June, 1830. I have told these people that I am willing to assist SIR. Your communication addressed to the governor them in bringing their rights, for final decision, before of Georgia has been received, informing him of your emthe supreme court of the United States, on the condition ployment by the Cherokee Indians to defend them that they conduct themselves peaceably towards the peo- against the operation of the laws of the states, and prople of Georgia, and of the U. States, and that they posing a reference of what you have thought proper to make the question purely a question of law for our courts; call the dispute between the Cherokee nation and the but that I will abandon them and their cause on the first state of Georgia, to the supreme court of the United aggression by violence on the white people around them States. The governor of Georgia knows of no reason which shall be authorized by their nation. It is but jus-why he should be notified that professional duty requir tice to add that, in those of the nation who have been ed of you to take fees of all who ask your advice. Geor. with me, and who compose the delegation that have been gia claims no jurisdiction over the lawyers of Maryland. at Washington through the winter, I have not discovered Your justification will have become appropriate when the slighest disposition to violence. They are civilized that state interferes with your professional business. and well informed men-they wear our dress-speak Why it should be the misfortune of a citizen of Maryour language correctly-and in their manners indicate all land (as you say it is yours) to differ with the constitutthe mildness and much of the culture and courtesy of ed authorities of Georgia, is not very clearly under our own best circles. They assure me that their peo- stood. You are neither responsible for the legislation of ple at home have abandoned the habits of savage life the state, nor subject to its control. There is no doubt and subsist by agriculture and the other usual and peace- but that many of the lawyers distinguis red like yourful pursuits of civilized societies. They profess, and I self (as you say) profess to believe that the state has believe, with entire sincerity, to be willing to make the usurped authority and violated the faith of treaties in questions of their rights under their treaties, questions passing laws for the protection of the rights, and punishof pure law, for the decision of our own courts; and as ing the crimes of the Indian people who reside within I perceive by the reported debate in congress that a mea-ts limits. It is known that the extent of the jurisdiesure of this sort has been anticipated, and that one of tion of Georgia, and the policy of removin; the Cheroyour enlightened senators in that body expressed a kees and other Indians to the west of the Mississippi strong and, without doubt, a sincere conviction that the have become party questions. It is not therefore surdecision of the judiciary would, if it should ever be ask-prising that those who engage in the struggle for power, ed, be in favor of the right of the state to legislate over should find usurpation and faithlessness in the measures the Cherokee nation, I cannot but indulge the hope, that of the government, accordingly as the loss of office, ors in proposing to bring this question before the supreme the hope of its acquisition may enlighten their undercourt, I shall have advised a measure rather pleasing standings. What you say of the fallibility of the conthan otherwise, to the state of Georgia. stituted anthorities of Georgia is a truism of universal application, and can have no meaning but by your intention to render the application particular.

Be this as it may, I cannot reconcile it to my own sense of propriety to have any agency in this affair without apprising your excellency, frankly and respectfully, of what is intended. I desire to have it distinctly understood, on every hand, that neither these people nor their counsel aim at any thing more in this movement, than an open, peaceful and respectful appeal to the opinion of our own courts, the courts of the union.

Your excellency will not understand me as asking or expecting that you will take the trouble to answer this letter. My object is single and sincere; it is simply to avoid all appearance of concealment, and all misapprehension or surprise on the part of the state of Georgia, by advising your excellency fairly and openly, of the measure in contemplation, and by assuring you that there is no other purpose in view than a quiet, peaceable and respectful reference of the questions of law and right in dispute between the state of Georgia and the Cherokee people, to the highest court of our nation, the supreme court of the United States.

You say that the supreme court of the United States is a high, impartial, and enlightened tribunal. Why such commendation?

The promise you make to use your professional influence to prevent your clients, the Indians, from committing violence upon the people of Georgia is very kind, coming as it does from a private citizen of another state, and will without doubt create an obligation upon the prople whose safety is intended, commensurate with the favor to be received.

There are no tears felt in Georgia of Indian violence, altho' it is highly probable that your efforts will be productive of some mischief.-It is believed that the Cherokees in Georgia had determined to unite with that portion of their tribe who had removed to the west of the Mis- › sissippi if the policy of the president, were sustained by congress. To prevent this result as soon as it became highly probable that the Indian bill would pass, the Your excellency will permit me to assure you. farther, Cherokees were persuaded that the right of self-governthat in the future measures which may grow out of this ment could be secured to them by the power of the sucontroversy, so far as they shall be under my direction, preme court, in defiance of the legislation of the general care will be taken to give as little trouble as possible to and state governinents. It was not known however unthe constituted authorities of the state of Georgia, and til the receipt of your letter that the spirit of resistance that the discussion will be conducted with all the res- to the laws of the state and views of the United States, pect for that state and its laws which may consist with which have of late been evident among the Indians, had the proper assertion of what I consider the rights of this in any manner been occasioned by your advice. Altho' unfortunate people. insurrection among the Indian people of Georgia may be the consequence of your proceedings and those who act in unison with you, the constituted authorities of the state disclaim all right to interfere with you in any manner so long as you keep yourself beyond the jurisdiction of the state.

The decision may be expedited by making a case, by consent, it that course should suit the views of the state of Georgia. It is not asked, however, but suggested merely for your consideration, with an assurance that it it should meet your approbation the Cherokees will cheerfully concur in the measure.

The motives which have led me to trouble you with this communication, make it equally proper, I think, that I should submit a copy of it to the president of the United States; and I shall place another copy in the hands of the Cherokee delegation, in order that they may distinctly see and remember the conduct which is expected from their people, and, what alone, they have a right to expect from me.

I have the honor to remain, sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. WIRT.

This excellency George R. Gilmer, dernor of Georgia.

You have thought proper to give the governor of Georgia an account of the civilization of the Cherokees, describing those whom you have known, to be polished gentlemen, and those whom you do not know, to have ceased to be savages. What you say of the intelligence of the members of the Cherokee tribe who were in Washington last winter is partly true, and equally descriptive of many others. They are not Indians however, but the children of white men, whose corrupt habits or vile passion led him into connection with the Cherokee tribe. It is not surprising that the white man and the children of white men have availed themselves of the easy means of acquiring wealth which the Chero

Virginia and Maryland, of giving notice, even to a private gentleman, of a contemplated suit, before proceeding against him. It is always intended as a mark of respect, and, in this quarter of the union, is always so received by the gentleman addressed. I thought it still more imperiously due to the governor of the state of Georgia. The other motives of my letter are apparent upon its face, and are cheerfully submitted to the construction of the public.

kee territory has presented for thirty or forty years; nor | that intelligence and spirited activity should increase with their increased wealth; nor that when wealth intelligence and industry are confined to the whites and the children of white men that the power over the tribe should become centered in the same hands. But that these causes were calculated to produce similar effects upon the Indians, the real aborigines, is disproved by every example among the thousands which the experience of the two last centuries has furnished in every There is only one passage of my own letter which, to the part of this continent. The Cherokees have lost all general reader, can require a word of explanation. My that was valuable in their Indian character, have become suggestions to the governor is not that myself, the Inspiritless, dependent and depraved; as the whites and dians and the governor shall make up a case to be subtheir children have become wealthy, intelligent and mitted to the supreme court:" It is simply, that "the powerful. So long as the Cherokees retained their pri- decision may be expedited, by making a case by consent mitive habits no disposition was shown by the states un- if that course should suit the views of the state of Georder the protection of whose government they resided, to gia." The state of Maryland had done this, on the ocmake them subject to their laws. Such policy would casion of her law to tax the branch bank of the United have have been cruel; because it would have interfered States established at Baltimore: Mc Culloh vs. state of with their habits of life, the enjoyments peculiar to In- Maryland 4, Wheaton 316: and, again, on the occasion dian people and the kind of government which accord- of another state law, requiring the importers and vened with those habits and enjoyments. It was the power ders of foreign goods to take out a license from the state of the whites and their children among the Cherokees, Brown vs. the state of Maryland, 12 Wheaton, 419. that destroyed the ancient laws, customs, and authority This last case is made up in the form of pleadings, not of the tribe, and subjected the natives to the rule of that requiring a statement of facts. But in both cases, the atmost oppressive of governments, an oligarchy. There torney general of the state, it is understood, co-operated is nothing surprising in this result. From the charac- in the measure, and under the instruction of the state auter of the people and the causes operating upon them, it thorities, gave facility and despatch to the reference of could not have been otherwise. It was this state of the questions to the decision of the supreme court. In things that rendered it obligatory upon the state of Geor- both these cases, the question involved was the constitugia, to vindicate the rights of her sovereignty by abolish- tionality of a state law; and, in both, the state of Marying all Cherokee government within its limits. Whe land united in the reference of this question to the suther intelligent or ignorant the state of Georgia has pass-preme court, and acquiesced in the decision. It was ed no laws violative of the liberty, personal security, or private property of any Indian. It has been the object of humanity and wisdom, to separate the two classes among them, giving the rights of citizenship to those who are capable of performing its duties and properly estimating its privileges, and increasing the enjoyment, and the probability of future improvement to the ignorant and idle, by removing them to a situation where the indacements to action will be more in accordance with the character of the Cherokee people.

with these cases in view, that I made the suggestion in question, to the governor of Georgia.

I did not answer the governor's letter because it must be seen that it neither required nor admitted an answer in the spirit of courtesy in which I had addressed him, and from which I thought and still think it improper to depart. His letter surprised me, because I supposed the object and language of my own too plain to be misunderstood, and too respectful to have awakened feelings of displeasure. The governor having viewed it in a different light, I am not at all dissatisfied with the publi cation of the letters, which I presume is intended as an appeal to the people of the United States. To such an appeal Lean have no objection, though my respect for the state of Georgia and my desire to avoid all needless irritation, would not have permitted me to make it. WM. WIRT.

Baltimore, Sept. 9, 1880.

CULTIVATION OF TOBACCO-IN IRELAND. There is much matter for reflection in the following article, copied from the Baltimore "American." The substance of the whole, however, is-that a sound policy leads even to a prohibition of a cultivation of tobac co in Ireland, because of the excessive profit derived by the government from duties on foreign tobacco!

Your suggestion that it would be convenient and satisfactory, if yourself, the Indians, and the governor, would make up a law case to be submitted to the supreme court for the determination of the question whether the legislature of Georgia has competent authority to pass laws for the government of the ludians residing within its limits, however courteous the manner, and conciliatory the phraseology, cannot but be considered exceedingly disrespectful to the government of the state. No one knows better than yourself, that the governor would grossly violate his duty, and exceed his authority, by complying with such a suggestion, and that both the letter and the spirit of the powers conferred by the constitution upon the supreme court forbid its adjudging such a case.-Your suggestion is but an evidence of the state of that contest in which the advocates of power, are exerting themselves to increase the authority of the departments of the general government, whilst the friends of liberty and the 'The select committee of the British parliament aprights of the people are in opposition, endeavoring to sus-pointed to consider the laws which relate to the growth tain the sovereignty of the states. It is hoped that the efforts of the general government to execute its contract with Georgia to secure the continuance and advance the happiness of the Indian tribes, and to give quiet to the country may be so effectually successful as to prevent the necessity of any further intercourse upon this sub-repealed with regard to the latter island, and tobacco ject.

Yours, &c. William Wirt, esq.

GEORGE R, GILMER.

A CARD.

To the editor of the Baltimore Gazette. I observe, in your paper of last evening, as extracted from Poulson's Philadelphia American, a letter of mine to the governor of Georgia, of June 4th, 1830, and the governor's answer of the 19th of that month. I wish it to be understood that the publication of these letters have not proceeded, either directly or indirectly, from me; although I have certainly no cause to regret it, on my own account. My letter to the governor is in accordance with the professional courtesy, which prevails in

and cultivation of tobacco in the United Kingdom, have reported their opinions to that body. From their inquiries it appears, that in the reign of Caroline, the culuvation of tobacco was prohibited in Great Britain and Ireland; but in that of George 3d, the prohibition was

grown there was allowed to be imported under the same regulations as plantation tobacco. From 1799 to 1824, Do advantage was taken of the permission, but in 1829, 500 Irish acres were applied to its cultivation. It is the opinion of the committee that the tobacco raised in Ireland is inferior to the American; and owing to this inferiority, and the humidity and uncertainty of the climate being disadvantageous to its cultivation, the proposed duty of one shilling and eight pence would be higher than it could afford to pay, in competition with the customs duty of three shillings per pound on the foreign article. A high excise duty upon tobacco grown in the kingdom, they temark, would create a large increase in the excise establishment; and even with the utmost vigilance, great fraud would be committed on account of the

high import duty, and the facility of evading any excise June, the troops of the eastern provinces began to pour law that could be enacted. The amount of revenue from in, company after company; and such a motley assembly such an excise duty, would fall far short of making good of men never before thronged together on such an occathe loss of revenue on foreign tobacco, and there would sion, unless an example may be found in the ragged rebe a necessity of imposing new taxes to supply the de-giment of sir John Falstaff. It would have relaxed the ficiency. The duty now levied on foreign tobacco, it is gravity of an anchorite, to have seen the descendants of added, is much higher than on any other commodity. the puritans, marching through the streets of that anAt present, a drawback is allowed on all foreign tobacco cient eny [Albany], take their situation to the left of the manufactured in the kingdom, equal to the duty paid British army, some with long coats, some with short upon it; and they contend that if a lower rate of duty coats, and others with no cost at all, with colors as varied should be imposed upon home grown tobacco, the draw- as the rainbow; some with their hair cropped like the back should be apportioned to the reduced duty. This army of Cromwell, and others with wigs, the locks of could only be done in relation to such articles as are which floated with grace around their shoulders. The ir made of home grown tobacco only; for, in exporting march, their accoutrements, and the whole arrangement snuff and nianufactured tobacco, in which both foreign of the troops, furnished matter of amusement to the rest and home grown are mixed, as no me ns could be devis- of the British army. The music played the airs of two ed to ascertain their respective proportions, either the centuries ago, and the tout ensemble, upon the whole, trader must be injured or the revenue defrauded in the exhibited a sight to the wondering strangers, to which amount of drawback allowed. The act of union hav-they had been unaccustomed. Among the club of wits ing placed all parts of the United Kingdom on an equal that belonged to the British army, there was a doctor footing, in inatters of trade, the committee say that if the Shackburg, attached to the staff, who combined with cultivation of tobacco be continued in Ireland, it must the science of a surgeon, the skill and talents of a mube allowed in Great Britain also, and in that event it is sician. To please the new comers, he composed a thought that the southern counties of the latter country tune, and with much gravity recommended it to the ofwould engage extensively in it. ficers as one of the most celebrated airs of martial music. The joke took, to the no small amusement of the British:

a few days nothing was heard in the provincial camp but the air of Yankee Doodle. Little did the author, in his composition, then suppose, that an air made for the purpose of levity and ridicule should ever be marked for such high destinies. In twenty years from that time, the national march inspired the heroes of Bunker's Hill, and in less than thirty, lord Cornwallis and his army marchet into the American lines to the tune of Yankee Doodle."

CHINESE PROCLAMATION.

It is the opinion of the committee that"As the value of all the tobacco (exclusive of any por-Brother Jonathan exclaimed it was nation fine, and in tion which may be smuggl d) annually consumed in the United Kingdom does not exceed £350,000, there does not seem to be any foundation for the opinion, that a considerable public benefit would be derived from allowing the cultivation of tobacco in the United Kingdom; that the large profit which has hitherto attended the growing of tobacco in Ireland, and the employment which it has afforded to a part of the laboring population, have been the result of its being free of duty; that these advantages, if continued in their present degree, must speedily produce the sacrifice of a considerable part of the revenue now derived from foreign tobacco, amount- The U. S. ship Vincennes came to China for refreshing to £2,500,000 a year; that, on the other hand, thements. The following is a government ed et concerning cultivation of tobacco in Ireland would cease' altogether her: without a high bounty, were foreign tobacco untaxed, or Kwo, acting Keun-Min Foo, &c. hereby strictly pro(what comes to the same thing), without a very discri-hibits compradors from clandestinely carrying provi minating duty, so long as the supply from abroad shall | sions.' continue to be taxed for the purpose of revenue; that therefore it does not appear to be advis ble to div. rt la bor and capital from other branches of industry, more especially when the required protection to be thus atforded cannot be attained without the sacrifice of a very considerable amount of public revenue.

The pilots have reported that on the 9th day of the 12th month of the present year, Peen-che (Fineb's) American cruizer, having met with strong and adverse winds, anchored in the offing at the Nine Islands, waiting for a fair, wind to enable her to set sail, and go. away, &c.

At that time I made a general report according to the facts, and sent despatches to the civil and military offcers, to guard and keep a strict watch, and to urge her to make haste and set sail, not permitting her to linger about and create disturbances. This is on record.

It appears that when the said nation's cruizers came to Canton, not being for the purpose of giving convoy to their merchant ships, heretofore the officers of government have not permitted them to have compradors.

It appears from the evidence examined by the committee, that smuggling to a great extent is carried on, and that no effectual measures can be adopted to repress it, so long as the temptation of evading a duty, equal to twelve times the value of the article on which it is imposed, remains.. The committee say that the reduction of the present duty, whenever the circumstances of the country will admit, will be the most effectual remedy to preserve the revenue from fraud; and a reduction to such a rate as would be effectual to that object, would neces- Being really apprehensive that traitorous and designsarially be regarded by the home grower of tobacco as ing natives will clandestinely afford supplies, and that being destructive of his interests, and as no longer afford-Whampoa compradors, making a pretext of having li ing sufficient protection to the cultivation of that plant. After a full consideration of the case, the committee have come to the resolution, that it is expedient to extend to Ireland the prohibition of growing tobacco, which has so long existed in England and Scotland, and that the prohibition should take place from the 1st Aug. 1831.

ORIGIN OF YANKEE DOODLE. From the Raleigh Register. Messrs. Gales & Son: In the simultaneous attacks that were made upon the French posts in America in 1755, that against fort Du Quesne, (the present scite of Pittsburg), was conducted by gen. Braddock, and those against Niagara and Frontenac, by gov. Shirley, of Massachusetts, and gen. Johnston of New York. The following is an extract from judge Martin's history of North Carolma, just published, giving an account of those expeditions:

censes, and aiming at gain, will pretend to carry provisions to English, American, and ships of other foreign nations, and secretly deliver them to the cruizer; or that fishing and tanka boats, carrying provisions and other things, will go alongs de and keep up their supplies, by which a heavy offence will be incurred; it is proper to issue a strictly prohibitory proclamation.

I therefore proclaim to the military and the people, to the fishermen, and those in tanka boats, as well as to the Whampoa compradors, &c. for their full information; that if any designing natives, coveting gain, clandestinely carry provisions to the American nation's cruizer, or make a false pretext of loading provisions for delivery to the ships of other nations, and go to the American to keep up her supplies; immediately on apprehension, they will decidedly be severely punished.

I will maintain the laws immoveable as a mountain. Positively no indulgence will be shewn. "Let every one The army of the latter, (Shirley and Johnston) dur-implicitly obey. Do not oppose. A special proclamaing the summer, lay on the eastern bank of the Hudson, tion. TAOU KWANG, a little south of the city of Albany. In the early part of 9th year, 12th month, 16th day (10th Jan. 1830.)

FOURTH SERIES. No. 5-VOL. III.]

BALTIMORE, SEPT. 25, 1830. [VOL. XXXIX. WHOLE NO. 995

THE PAST-THE PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE.

EDITED, PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES & SON, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.

An extraordinary pressure of what may called mechanical duties, has materially affected the general business of the week.

The title page and index for the last volume is given herewith, and the large supplement, containing the famous debate in the senate of the United States on Mr. Foote's resolution, will be finished in a day or two. Its price is one dollar. Not many copies are unengaged, and those who wish to have it and have not applied, will please to send in their names immediately. If any of the small edition printed should remain, they will be sold to non-subscribers to the REGISTER.

THE CHEROKEE LANDS. We present Mr. Wirt's statement of the case and opinion, on the right of the state of Georgia to extend her laws over the Cherokee nation-and shall give the opinion of judge Clayton, of Georgia, on the other side. These articles will interest our readers, and are such as must be recorded.

"Ye who know where this is directed to forward---I know not where it is---and B, D’d to't.”

This is a pretty ingenious method of shewing the blackguard---but we hope a reformation will speedily take place! We have no suspicion at what office this endorsement was made, but cannot suppose that it happened in our own. There is such an office in Pennsylvania, and it is the business of postmasters to`know it.

THE NEW YORK "HERALD" has been merged in the New York Standard---the latter paper, in every respect, in politics or political economy, bearing a different character from the former. Mr. Mumford, the editor of the "Standard," is a gentleman of handsome talents, and the "American system"-for with his politics, proper, we wish him success, except in his endeavors to put down we shall not interfere.

COMPETITION! The following shews the safety with which protection may be afforded, when the desire of profit is left free to contend with it:

In the years 1826 and 1827, the lead mines on Fever river were powerfully worked, and with great profit--the lead commanding on the spot 44 cents per lb.; much labor and capital, of course, were engaged in the business, and now it is one of the worst that is pursued--the average price of lead, at Galena, in 1829, being less than 2 cents, and, at one time, only 14 cents. The consequence is, that many have retired from mining and smelting lead and will remain so, until the present great stock on hand being exhausted, the price shall afford a living profit.

We have received a long communication, without any signature, (and honestly post-paid too), at New York, contesting the opinion of Mr. Wirt, and rather claiming a place, because that we promised to make room for any simtur article that shall appear on the other side," which we supposed might "be expected from the attarney-general of the state of Georgia." Judge Clayton's opinion is a "similar article"-that is, a responsible one; so will be a statement or opinion expressed by any one acting under the authority of the United States, or of Georgia:--but, with only, perhaps, two inadvertencies, have we ever admitted into this work anonymous communications of the nature of that now presented, in reply to official, or otherwise authorized or authenticated, papers; and, if the writer of the piece before us, (who shows much zeal as well as talent), will reflect half a MAINE. While some of the papers insist that Mr. minute on the subject-knowing the manner in which Smith, (Jackson) has been elected governor of this statethis work has been always conducted, he will see, that, by a majority of about 2000, over Mr. Hunton, late goto admit such things, would be to break up the whole vernor, others make it probable that "no choice" has plan of the REGISTER, and deprive us of all discretion been made. The fullest returns that we have seen, shew over the contents of its pages, because of that rigid im----for Smith 26.894, Hunton 26,257. A good many towns partiality which we have always exerted, as to important yet to he heard from. public discussions, in presenting both sides, in their most imposing, or official, form. Hence it is not once in a year that we insert an anonymous communication of any sort.

FROM FRANCE. We have further important news--the charter has been amended, as we anticipated, in favor of liberty; the duke of Orleans has been proclaimed king, and the whole business of the revolution appears consummated! See page 77. The state religion is abolished the press made free---the elective franchise extended ---all laws or taxes to be first voted for by the chamber of deputies, and the powers of the king, in many respects, materially restrained. "GooD!"

There is not yet much indication of the course which the holy allies will pursue in this great emergency. But, will they suffer the people of France to set aside the "divine right" of kings?---will they permit a fat national clergy to become like other men?'

This last act of France has an "awful squinting" against the lazy and fat, and horribly oppressive, church of England--and we trust, will reduce that iniquitous establishment nearer to à state of common honesty than it holds at present. See page 76. If the "laborer is worthy of his hire," those "who do not work should not eat."

It may be expected that Spain will follow the lead of France. That country is exceedingly agitated.

POLITE! A number of the Register, plainly addressed to "Hopewell Cotton Works, Pa." was returned to us through the Baltimore post office, on Saturday last, with the following polite endorsement-VOL. XXXIX-No. 6.

So far as ascertained, the house of representatives stands thus---Jackson 58, Clay 56, with 7 vacancies, "no choice," and 4 "incomplete!" It is doubtful which party has the majority. The senate returns shew 11 Jackson, 9 Clay.

But the results are yet uncertain---and we know not who are elected members of congress, except partially. We shall probably learn the truth next week.

MASSACHUSETTS. A writer in the Boston papers, judging by the returns of the census so far as they are known, has arrived at the conclusion, that the population of this state will not exceed 620,000.

In 1822, vol. 22, page 345--we calculated that the inhabitants of Massachusetts would amount to only 575,600 in 1830; but since supposed that the number would be about 650,000, because of new employments afforded in manufactures.

The increase from 1819 to 1820, was at the rate of 15 per cent., and it is supposed that the rate from 1820 to 1830 will be 223.

The population of Boston and its suburbs, is thus shewn: