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action of the character which they create.

The moral conditions

of national character, on the other hand, are subject to a reflex influence, and are affected in return by the result which they assist in producing.

§ 6 By studying the prominent peculiarities of a given community, or class of communities, we are enabled to accomplish a double object, or rather we arrive at results which admit of a twofold use. In the first place, we are enabled to form limited theories, to predicate general tendencies, and prevailing laws of causation, which might not be true, for the most part, if extended to all mankind, but which have a presumptive truth if confined to certain nations. Theoretical propositions thus formed may be used for all the purposes to which theory is applicable, whether for construing past, or predicting future phenomena. (5) Again, this special knowledge enables us, in the application of universal theorems to practice, to circumscribe their import, and to qualify them by restrictions and exceptions, which adapt them to our present purpose. This latter process, as we shall show lower down, properly belongs to the department of practice.(6) If, however, general were converted into limited theories by the political philosopher, with reference to a certain defined subject, the labour of the practical man would be abridged. Moreover, the reduction would take place under circumstances more favourable to accuracy if it was made deliberately and lowly, and not on the spur of the moment. the general proposition, that the plains are the seat of indolence and slavery, and the mountains the seat of energy and liberty,' observes that it requires circumscription, inasmuch as some independent and active races, as the Arabs and Tartars, have inhabited the plains. (61) If this proposition were closely examined, and compared with numerous cases, its limits might be fixed, so as to fit it for use in practice without a long preliminary adaptation.

Thus Volney, in commenting upon

(59) See Machiavel, quoted above, p. 108, n. 42..

(60) See below, ch. xix. § 10; xx. § 6.

(61) Ib. tom. i. p. 163. See above, p. 47, n. 65.

The limited theories to which we are now referring, whether in their primitive form of mere general enunciations of fact, or as converted into preceptive maxims fitted for practical application, correspond to the axiomata media of Bacon. These, he declares, are the really solid and living truths in which the business and fortunes of men are involved; they differ, on the one hand, from mere statements of particular facts, and, on the other, from the highest abstractions, which are notional, and devoid of solid instruction. (62) It is easy to perceive that, in estimating the actual influence of any political cause with reference to the past, in any given community, we ought to understand the individual characteristics of that community, and not, as Bacon says, to work with mere general principles of human nature; such as-that men seek pleasure and avoid pain, that they resent injuries, and the like; or, on the other hand, to rely merely on single and unconnected facts. For example: an Englishman recently arrived in India would be less likely to form a sound judgment as to the cause of any insurrection, or disturbance, or discontent among the native population of any part of the country, than one who had long resided in India, and had learnt by experience the opinions, feelings, and modes of thought prevalent among the natives. It is from the absence or insufficiency of this sort of knowledge that judgments upon the political affairs of foreign countries are often shallow and erroneous. After all due allowance is made for national predilection on the one part, and national antipathy on the other, every one must feel that the opinions of foreigners respecting his own country are frequently unworthy of serious attention. Again, with reference to the probable future operation of a political cause in a given country, such knowledge is still more requisite. Propositions descriptive of general tenden

(62) Etenim axiomata infima non multum ab experientiâ nudâ discrepant. Suprema vero illa et generalissima (quæ habentur) notionalia sunt, et abstracta, et nil habent solidi. At media sunt axiomata illa vera, et solida, et viva, in quibus humanæ res et fortunæ sitæ sunt; et supra hæc quoque, tandem ipsa illa generalissima; talia scilicet, quæ non abstracta sint, sed per hæc media vere limitantur.'-Nov. Org. i. aph. 104; and compare aph. 69.

VOL. II.

I

cies almost always require adaptation to the peculiarities of practice. Thus, Aristotle lays it down that some varieties of oligarchy and democracy respectively are better, and some worse, absolutely; but that the scale of badness or goodness may be altered if a person judges with reference to some special case, for that which is generally good may not suit a certain community.() In order that we may be able, when we set any political agency in motion, to form a tolerable estimate of the path which it is likely to describe, we must know the medium in which it is to move. Having this knowledge, we can calculate how far it is likely to be deflected from the straight course and in what direction, and how far its progressive movement will be retarded by the resistance of opposing influences. Before we cast the seed into the ground, we ought to know not only the general principles of vegetation and germination, but also the nature and qualities of the soil and climate in the particular spot, if we wish to make a probable conjecture of the return which it will yield to our labour, and of the produce of the harvest.

The limited theories of political science differ from the empirical laws of the physical philosopher. The latter are laws of phenomena established by induction, the causes of which are unknown, and therefore the extent of the class is still indeterminate. The inductive extension of the class from observed to unobserved cases is uncertain.(6) But limited political theories imply known laws of causation. We may be acquainted with the character or other peculiarities of certain nations, and may form predications of general tendencies, founded on that ascertained basis. The necessity of limiting our theories in politics arises, not from our ignorance of causes, but from the plastic character of human nature, which is not only permanently modified by external causes, but also modifies itself by a self-civilizing process peculiar to mankind. It grows out of the peculiar nature of an independent political society;

(63) Pol. iv. 11, ad fin.

(64) See Mill's System of Logic, b. iii. c. 16, § 4-8.

of the individual character which it acquires; of its history and continuous existence, and of the associations, sentiments, habits, laws and institutions, which belong to it as a community. These peculiarities are sufficiently marked and constant, and, being common to a whole nation, are sufficiently important, to be generalized and reduced to a theoretical expression. Limited theories of this sort are confined to communities of men; they are inapplicable to the animal kingdom, because races of animals are uniform and invariable, except so far as varieties in a natural species are produced by domestication. The taming hand of man can, indeed, work changes in a race of wild animals, and produce, within certain bounds, such differences between the savage and the reclaimed animal as may justify, with respect to the latter, a special and limited theory. We shall, in a future chapter, show how the operation of political causes upon a given community is modified by the peculiar circumstances of that community, and particularly by the habits of the people with respect to existing laws and social institutions. (65) It is with reference to circumstances such as these that theories of limited application are useful.

Nor are limited theories of this kind applicable only to in-1 dependent political societies. Every political society, which has a separate existence, and a government of its own, and, consequently, every dependency, falls under the same category.j Limited theories may be framed for a dependent province, such as Canada, or Australia, or Hindostan, or Lombardy, or Algeria are now, or as the Italian, Flemish and American provinces of Spain were formerly, as well as for an independent state. Even portions of the territory of an independent state which have been incorporated with its government may, in consequence of their former separateness, admit of similar theories. Thus Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and particular provinces of France, as Normandy, Brittany, Alsace, Provence, and certain provinces of the Prussian monarchy, may, although they are directly subject to the

(65) Below, ch. xx. § 9.

governments of England, France, and Prussia, nevertheless admit of useful generalizations peculiar to themselves. Again, we may perceive that certain sets or groups of nations agree in recognising the same international law, and that in their relations with one another they appeal to the same rules and principles. 'Whenever,' says Mr. Ward, we observe many different communities in the habit of making treaties and alliances together; of holding congresses, and entertaining ordinary or resident embassies at one another's courts; of appealing to each other's mediation; of deciding their differences by one known settled rule (be it good or bad); or of carrying on war in the same mode (be it cruel or lenient); above all, when we see them governed by the same customs, arising from climate or geographical situation, and bound together by one common religion, then may we fairly suppose that they agree, tacitly or expressly, to obey the same law of nations.'(66) And whenever such a group of independent nations exists, they can be combined under a common view, and considered as to their reciprocal relations, as forming a class by themselves.

(66) History of the Law of Nations, vol. i. p. 160: compare p. 137.

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