which tend to produce that result are to be preferred to institutions of an opposite tendency. Wherever the means in question clearly tend to the principal end of government, the conversion of a scientific theorem into a practical rule or maxim of policy may be effected by a simple and direct process. Frequently, however, the scientific researches relate to subordinate ends: for example, the tendency of certain causes to promote the wealth, the knowledge, the industry, the independence of the people. Now, although an universal agreement may exist as to the principal end of government, there may be differences of opinion as to these subordinate ends; and it may, on this account, be difficult to frame political maxims from the theorems relating to these subjects. Again: it is to be borne in mind that, although it may be a political axiom that institutions which tend to produce the welfare of the people are to be preferred to those of an opposite tendency, the art of politics does not, therefore, necessarily lay it down, that wherever a worse can be replaced by a better institution, that change should instantly be made. Before such a precept can be delivered, a large class of considerations intervenes, arising from the influence of habit, and other principles affecting the operation of existing laws, to which we shall advert in the next chapter. § 8 The maxims of political art, when they are derived from scientific principles, and arranged in a systematic order, are usually delivered in a doctrinal form. They bear on their face to be precepts, not truths. They profess to guide our conduct, not merely to obtain an intellectual assent. There are, however, isolated apophthegms relating to politics, some current in the form of proverbs, others occurring as casual dicta in the works of historians, of which the form is more ambiguous. Many of these appear to be intended to serve as precepts, though couched in the form of mere observations. Thus, the proverb 'Festina lente,' recommending deliberation before action, is in the form of a maxim or precept, while the proverb, 'The more haste, the worse speed,' or Lord Bacon's apophthegm, Fortuna multa festinanti vendit, quibus morantem donat,'(")—though a mere expression of fact, is intended to convey the same lesson. Sometimes a general dictum, though in form merely expressive of fact, yet is equivalent to a maxim, as when it is said that such a course is wise, foolish, safe, dangerous, &c.: thus, the Greek hexameter, which declares that a man is a fool who, having killed the father, spares the children,(30) evidently recommends a certain policy with regard to the extinction of families. The same may be said of such sentences as the following: 'Malum est consilium, quod mutari non potest.'(31) 'Res bona est extirpare sceleratos, non scelera.'(32) 'Mal delibera chi troppo teme.' 'Seditio civium hostium est occasio.'(34) 'Non fu mai giudicato partito savio mettere a pericolo tutta la fortuna tua, e non tutte le forze.'(35) 'The successful use of fraud in war is laudable.'(36) (29) De Augm. lib. vi. vol. viii. p. 376. (30) νήπιος ὃς πατέρα κτείνας παῖδας καταλείποι, ap. Aristot. Rhet. ii. 21, § 11 (with the note of Victorius). The verse is attributed to Stasinus, the old cyclic poet. After the defeat and slaughter of Vitellius, Mucianus orders his son to be put to death, mansuram discordiam ostendens, nisi semina belli restinxisset.'-Tac. Hist. iv. 80. (31) Publius Syrus, v. 398. This verse has been thus modernised in Italian and French: Tristo quel consiglio che non ha sconsiglio'-' Méchant est le conseil qui n'a son déconseil.' See Gruteri, Florilegium Ethico-politicum, vols. i. and ii. (32) Publ. Syrus, v. 315, 847, 857. With the first of these verses the French proverb corresponds, which is not in the form of a maxim: 'Il peut bien peu qui ne peut nuire,' Gruter. ib. vol. ii. (36) Ib. iii. 40: Dolus an virtus, quis in hoste requiret.' 'Res est supra opinionem politica, facile transire a joco ad serium, a serio ad jocum.'(37) 'Principis est virtus maxima, nosse suos.'(38) These are meant to be taken as precepts, not less than dicta which professedly inculcate a lesson, as 'Qui desiderat pacem, præparet bellum.'(39) 'Strike while the iron is hot.' 'Loquendum ut vulgus, sentiendum ut sapientes.'(41) 'Laissez faire et laissez passer.'(43) 'Avoid three things-hatred, envy, and contempt.'(44) § 9 Political maxims may be distributed into two classesthose which prescribe a line of conduct in certain contingencies, and those which teach how certain institutions are to be constructed. The distinction cannot always be precisely drawn, but the following examples will serve to indicate its character. The former class of maxims may be illustrated by such precepts as those given by Machiavel in various parts of his Principe and his Discorsi-as where he teaches how new provinces, acquired either by princes or republics, are to be governed -in what cases the existing institutions are to be preserved, and in what cases they are to be destroyed ;(") how far princes (37) Bacon, De Augm. vi. vol. viii. p. 372. (38) Martial, viii. 15. (40) Gruter. vol. iii. (39) Vegetius, De Re Mil. iii. prol. (41) Cited by Lord Bacon, De Augm. 1. v. c. 4. Compare the Italian proverb, Parla co' più e sappi co' manchi.'-Gruter. ib. vol. ii. (qu. pochi ?) (42) Upon this maxim, see Machiavel, Discorsi, iii. c. 27. (43) The maxim of Gournay: see Turgot, Eloge de Gournay, with the preface of Dupont de Nemours. The idea was borrowed from the answer of M. Legendre to Colbert, Laissez-nous faire.' See Œuvres de Turgot (Paris, 1844), tom. i. p. 259-88; Stewart's Memoir of Adam Smith, p. 142, note. (44) Tria deinde ex præceptione vetere præstanda sunt ut vitentur, odium, invidia, contemptus.'-Sen. Epist. xiv. 9. See Mach. Princ. c. 19. (45) Principe, c. 5, 6; Disc. i. 25, 26. ought to use cruelty or clemency; in what manner they ought to keep faith; how they ought to avoid being despised and hated; how they should conduct themselves in order to obtain reputation; how they ought to avoid flatterers. (4) These are all general maxims, which, whether good or bad, profess to guide the rulers of states in certain postures and contingencies of public affairs. The regulæ bellorum generales,' in the treatise of Vegetius, (7) though many of them are not in a preceptive form, are intended to serve as practical maxims: for instance, the apophthegm, that he who does not prepare corn and the necessary supplies for an army is conquered without a battle,' (4) has the force of a maxim prescribing these preparatory measures. Many other maxims of public policy, such as those relating to defence of the country, to war and peace, to large and small territory, to dependencies and colonies, &c., might be mentioned which are of a similar character, but the instances which have been adduced appear to suffice for illustration. The other class of maxims consists of the rules which have been laid down by politicians for the formation and construction of certain laws or institutions-practical guides for executing the work of a government-similar to the rules laid down for the practical engineer or builder. If, for example, a government is called on to establish or regulate a system of prison-discipline, or an inland post, or a system of roads and bridges, it would have recourse to such maxims as it could find in existence with respect to each of these subjects. The four maxims of taxation laid down by Adam Smith, the evident justice and utility of which (he says) have recommended them more or less to the attention of all nations,' may serve to exemplify such canons of practical legislation. (46) Principe, c. 17, 18, 19, 21, 23. (47) De Re Mil. iii. c. 26, (48) Qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non præparat, vincitur sine ferro.' 1. The subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the support of the government, as nearly as possible, in proportion to their respective abilities. 2. The tax which each individual is bound to pay ought to be certain and not arbitrary. '3. Every tax ought to be levied at the time or in the manner in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it. 4. Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible, over and above what it brings into the public treasury of the state.'(49) § 10 All political maxims, it will be observed, are general in their effect, not less than theoretical truths. But the lesson which such a maxim inculcates may either be universal-it may extend to all places and times-or it may, like the theories examined in a previous chapter, (50) be limited to certain nations, or to a single nation. (5) Maxims of the latter kind, like the theories upon which they must be founded, are most available in practice as requiring less adaptation, and agreeing more closely with the circumstances of the case, than maxims of universal import. § 11 Political art may further convey its lessons by means of models. Instead of teaching by preceptive maxims, it may propose certain pattern governments, or laws, or institutions, for imitation. These models may be either real or ideal; that is to say, they may either have an actual existence, or they may be described from the imagination. In either case, there are certain conditions to which the imitation of a political model is subject, and which the art of politics undertakes to lay down. Thus the (49) Wealth of Nations, b. v. c. 2, part ii. Compare M'Culloch's Treatise on Taxation, p. 17-41; Mill's Principles of Pol. Economy, b. v. c. 2. (50) Above, ch. xvi. (51) Such is the maxim of Florentine government mentioned by Machiavel: Bisogna tener Pistoja con le parti, e Pisa con le fortezze.'Disc. iii. c. 27. Also the maxim of Venetian government: 'Pane in piazza, giustizia in palazzo.' VOL. II. M |