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by sea, another may enable the traveller to visit a friend on the road, or to see some remarkable object or some interesting country. He must compare these different modes of reaching his journey's end with one another, and select that which, with reference to himself, combines the most advantages and the fewest disadvantages. It often happens in politics that none of the courses proposed is absolutely to be condemned. Every one of them would ultimately lead to the end in view; but some are more circuitous, more costly, more dilatory, more insecure, more troublesome than others. Again, it often happens that there is only a choice of evils, as when a besieged town has to chuse between a hopeless resistance and an unconditional surrender ; or, what is more common, where a government has to chuse between allowing a public object to remain unattained, and incurring a large expense for its attainment. Political alternatives are rarely simple. They almost always consist in degrees of goodness and badness-in various courses, not separated by any broad and precise line of demarcation. Hence the historian, in

passing judgment on the conduct of politicians, cannot adopt the simple classification into the good and the bad-the elect and the reprobate which is possible to the unerring eye of Omniscience. He cannot separate the tares from the wheat, and divide all his judgments into unqualified praise and unqualified blame. Hence he cannot adopt the dictum of Schiller, that universal history is equivalent to the universal judgment.(8) The judgments which he passes must be more circumstantial and less decisive.

§ 5 The practical politician must further bear in mind, that his problem is essentially individual, and that theory, universal principles, scientific truths, and even the rules and maxims of political art, are merely imperfect instruments, intended to assist, but not to control, his judgment in its solution. He has to consider what will be the result of certain causes in the given case: what the result might be in a different set of circumstances, either imaginary or real, is to him a matter of

(8) Die weltgeschichte ist das weltgericht.

He is to

indifference, so far as his own problem is concerned. determine the expediency of a certain course, with reference to the particular country, persons, time, and other actual circumstances in question. Thus, to recur to our former illustration, in deciding upon the eligibility of a particular route, we must judge with reference to the given traveller; to his health, pecuniary means, command of time, duties, public or private, and other personal accidents. So, in deciding as to the expediency of a certain political measure, it is necessary to look to the circumstances of the country, the character of the persons concerned, and other phenomena of the given case, and not to treat it as an abstract question, relating to an Utopia, without a history, without peculiar interests, and without neighbours, allies, or enemies.

All practical problems are of this nature, whether they concern politics or the useful arts. For instance, an architect, in framing a plan for a new house, is assisted by general theorems of mechanical science with respect to pressure, support, strength of materials, &c.; but his plan must be adapted to the exigencies of the particular case, and must fulfil those conditions of destination, size, expense, nature of materials, &c., which the instructions of the proprietor and the circumstances of the case impose.

The ultimate as well as the immediate consequences of his act ought, indeed, to be borne in mind by the practical politician. He must, for example, consider the effect of establishing a precedent, of creating a real type, which may probably be imitated by others. His conduct may therefore operate, by way of example, beyond the direct results of his measure; but he ought, nevertheless, to impress his mind with the truth, that every practical problem is individual, and that all attempts to deal with practical problems in classes are essentially ruder and more inartificial than their treatment as singulars. The mass of particulars with which a government is brought into contact is so great, as to render general rules and general measures necessary, and to defy the possibility of treating each case by itself, to be judged according to its own circumstances. Still, it can

not be denied that government would, in many respects, be a more perfect art-that its workmanship would be more finished and appropriate-if an adaptation to individual cases were practicable. (9) As civilization advances, an approximation will doubtless be made to this end-not so much by multiplying local and personal acts of the legislature, as by devising means by which discretionary powers of applying general acts of legislation to individual cases may be safely vested in the judicial and administrative authorities.

§ 6 Moreover, the politician, when he undertakes the solution of any practical problem, should bear in mind what are the qualifications requisite for success in the attempt. In the first place, he should possess the intellectual qualification of skillthe qualification, in a practical politician, which corresponds with mechanical dexterity and resource in a practitioner of the useful arts. Skill may be considered as the combined result of special training, actual experience, and natural capacity. Without a certain quantity of each of these three ingredients, there cannot be skill in any practical or executive department, manual or mental, whether it be carpentering or watchmaking—whether it be painting or architecture--whether it be medicine, law, or politics. (10) In the next place, the politician should be desirous of solving the problem in such a manner as will produce a good practical result with respect to the persons whom the measure is

(9) Compare the remarks on the imitation of real models, as compared with the formation of a new measure for the particular case, above, ch. xxi. § 10.

(10) In what consists practical or experimental skill, it is not easy to explain completely; but, among other things, it obviously implies,—a talent for minute and comprehensive and rapid observation; a memory at once attentive and ready, in order to present to us accurately, and without reflexion, our theoretical knowledge; a presence of mind, not to be disconcerted by unexpected occurrences; and, in some cases, an uncommon degree of perfection in the external senses, and in the mechanical capacities of the body. All these elements of practical skill, it is obvious, are to be acquired only by habits of active exertion, and by a familiar acquaintance with real occurrences; for as all the practical principles of our nature, both intellectual and animal, have a reference to particulars, and not to generals, so it is in the active scenes of life alone, and amidst the details of business, that they can be cultivated and improved.'Stewart's Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, c. 4, sect. 7.

to affect. His intention should be good, as his capacity is

sufficient.

The remarks already made upon the difficulties of political practice show that mere good intention, without skill, is not competent to the solution of practical problems. The desire of benefiting a community does not enable a man to benefit it, without a knowledge of the means requisite for attaining his end. He must know the causes tending to produce the given effecta mere wish to produce it will be fruitless. Hence, benevolence or philanthropy, unaided by practical sagacity or wisdom-plain common sense, unaided by appropriate fitness—are in politics unavailing for their purpose. It must, however, be admitted that the difficulty propounded by Socrates to Protagoras, in the Platonic dialogue, (") has never, up to the present day, received a satisfactory solution. Socrates alleges that political skill appears not to admit of being taught, like one of the useful arts; 'for the Athenians,' he remarks,' when there is a question of architecture, call in the advice of an architect; when there is a question of ship-building, consult a shipwright, and will not hear the opinion of any unprofessional person, however wealthy or highborn he may be; but when there is a question of the general management of the state, every person, rich or poor, merchant or carpenter, comes forward and gives his opinion.'

Mr. Senior likewise, in his Treatise on Political Economy, (1) remarks, that the subordinate functions of a government are performed by persons specially trained for their duties, whereas in the higher departments no such special education obtains; and he accordingly expresses a hope, that the principle of the division of labour will hereafter be applied to providing an appropriate education for those who are to direct the affairs of the state. The distinction which Mr. Senior points out unquestionably exists, but it is not capricious or accidental-it arises from a difficulty inherent in the subject. In the subordinate depart

(11) Protag. c. 27-8, 36.

(12) Reprinted from the Encyclopædia Metropolitana (1850), p. 76.

ments of a government, and, generally, in all those departments which are concerned with the execution of the laws, a division of labour, according to the nature of the subjectmatter, is practicable, and, being practicable, it is now universally adopted. In every civilized country, the administrative are divided from the judicial departments; and these, again, from the army, the navy, and the police. The management of the finances is separated from that of foreign affairs. Each department, moreover, is in general confided to persons who have had a special and professional training for the business; thus, lawyers usually fill the judicial offices, military and naval men hold the commands in their respective services, architects and engineers are employed for the construction of public works, medical men for sanitary duties. Whenever there is a limited subject, and a specific class of duties, an appropriate training, combined with special experience, can be secured. But the superior functions of government, particularly those of legislation, exercised by a sovereign body through the medium of deliberative assemblies, cannot be so divided. They are possessed and exercised in a mass by the entire body, and are not distributed among sectional departments. Hence, a member of the House of Lords or House of Commons in England, of the National Assembly in France, of the Senate or the House of Representatives in the United States, or a minister of state charged with the general superintendence of a government, cannot have such an appropriate training, founded on the principle of the division of labour, as the judge of a court, the general of an army, the admiral of a fleet, or the member of an administrative board, may have. The subjects of political discussion and of legislative enactment which may come before him are not confined to any definite class their variety is unlimited. They may concern any branch of the executive government; they may refer to any subject of law or legislation, or to any conceivable interest of the community. Hence, they may require for their solution any portion of human knowledge.

At the same time, the member of a supreme legislative

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