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with the intellectual ends of education, that all teach-
AN important event in the history of the State has
We cannot but note with a good deal of misgiving the recent action of the Presbyterian denomination in this State toward establishing a denominational college, The State already contains, besides its own University, two Methodist colleges, and the Baptist denomination has already committed itself to the plan of a Baptist college; there is the new Mills College for girls; and there are still other "colleges," with power to give degrees, whose existence we know only from the pages of reports. Now, while it is probably true that this State can scarcely afford to support but one institution for the higher education, that if all the funds were put into the State University, it would still be little enough, and if all the students were sent there, they would receive a broader education than at any of the lesser colleges, and a degree of more value; still, we have no criticism to make of two supplements to the State Universityone, a girls' college; the other, a religious college. For while the education of girls with boys has produced none of the direful results prophesied, the majority of parents will not, for a generation or two, believe that it does not, and their girls will go uneducated unless they can be educated in a girls' college; and while the State University does not, in fact, have a demoralizing effect upon the religious faith of students, there are many who will not believe that it does not, and whose sons would lose a college training altogether were a religious college inaccessible. Moreover, while the religious prejudice against the University is largely temporary, produced by foolish and hasty talk in the papers and founded on erroneous information, there is a much more sound and permanent reason for the existence of religious colleges: that is, the permanent conviction of a great number of intelligent people, who are in sympathy
ists to hear addresses from a number of the women candidates for seats in the Chamber of Deputies. I am told by the French themselves that, taken as a whole, French women are more capable, businesslike, energetic, and pushing than the men, and I believe it to be true. Of course, they don't surpass the race masculine in the higher reaches of the arts, sciences, belles-lettres, etc.; but in all the every-day, ordinary occupations of life-the keeping of little shops, the running of small farms, hotels, etc., etc.— they are "the man of the house." Sometimes it's a very large business they manage, too. For instance, there is an immense dry goods establishment here, the Bon Marché, where you can buy not alone dry goods of every description-but all necessaries for house furnishing of every sort and kind, and where there are hundreds of employés. The head owner of this really grand and interesting establishment is a woman-and a good woman, too. Her employés form one large family, who all board and room under the one roof of the great store. She takes care of them if they are sick, provides amusements for their evenings, and, I am told, looks after them morally as well as physically. Then another woman is at the head of the Duval Restaurants, which are not to be numbered, they are so many. So you can see from all this, as also the history of the France of all ages has shown, when women meddle with politics here, it's a meddle not to be despised. So I went to the meeting the other evening, expecting to be really interested and enlightened-and I was.
As we went into the hall, various campaign documents were handed us, and those given to me were offered with a " Voici, Citoyenne," that gave me an instant First Revolution, Robespierre sensation; the feeling didn't go away, either, and two or three events of the evening deepened it much. There were present a large audience-more than half men; but after a few words of introduction by one of the Republican Socialist party who had convened the meeting, a president, three vice presidents, and secretary, all women, were chosen, and all was supposed to be ready for the speeches of the candidates. But first a prominent member of the party wished to make some explanatory remarks—a handsome gray-haired old gentleman he was, and I expected his simple appearance, so benevolent and dignified, would obtain for him a quiet hearing. But no; it was time for the candidatesses to speak, and no manly discourse was wanted, so he was at first politely asked to retire. He refused, whereupon, in one body, the president, the three vice presidents, the secretary, and a candidate made one rush, seized the old gentleman, and in less time than it takes me to tell it, he was dragged, pulled, or pushed off the stage and behind the scenes. last glimpse of him was just as he disappeared; somehow, he had managed to get hold of a chair, which, as he backed out, he held up before him, as some sort of protection. That was the end of him and his speech. In the meantime, the president, the three
of the old College of California. But when entered upon merely for the sake of denominational difference, such struggles cease to be heroic.
NEVERTHELESS, we do not underrate the difficulties in the way of denominational union in building a college. An attempt has been made already to establish a Christian college here by cooperation of the denominations, but it proved hopelessly futile. The fault is not so often in the projectors of the college as in the money-contributing laity, who take no interest in providing means for a union college, but respond fairly well to appeals for one owned by their own denomination. It is perhaps true, as it has been said, that it is easier to get money for six denominational schools than one-sixth of the money for a union one. Still, we think this and other difficulties are things which should be contended with, not yielded to. One denomination-the Methodist— has already the ground, and has made a respectable beginning, with the great advantage of a liberalminded man for a president. It would seem to us that the right course for both the Presbyterians and Baptists to take would be, either to make a very earnest effort to unite forces with this Methodist beginning, concessions being made on both sides, or else, like the Congregationalists and Episcopalians, to put their money each into a good denominational academy. Apart from the general objection to multiplication of denominational colleges, however, the plan of the Presbyterians seems peculiarly judicious and promising; for there is no intention of scraping up money enough for one professorship, and then setting up a weakling college full-blown; but of allowing their theological seminary, now well endowed with over a quarter of a million, to expand downward, as demand arises, into college classes, thus allowing a college to create itself by a natural and healthful process of evolution. So judicious does this seem, that were not the Methodist college already on the ground, we should say that in this extension of the Presbyterian seminary lay the the promise of a nucleus for the future religious college of the coast, to which the other denominations should bring accretions. It is true that the connection with the seminary would tend to produce a decided sectarianism, unfavorable to union; but the experience of Princeton, for instance, shows that intimate connection with a theological seminary need not prevent a college's expanding beyond strictly sectarian bounds.
Women and Politics in Paris.
[The following acc ount of a women's political meeting in Paris is from a private letter written by an American lady sojourning in that city.]
My dear C: I was so stupid the other day when I wrote to you as quite to forget to tell you about a political meeting I had been to the night before. This was a meeting called by the Republican Social
vice presidents, and the candidate calmly returned to their places, paying no attention to the ten or twenty men that had mounted the platform and were rushing about, evidently in a wild search for the captive As for the audience, all was dire confusion, and for half an hour nothing was done, nothing could be heard but cries of "Ou est Legru?" (the name of the old gentleman); “Madame la Presidente, ou est Legru?" The first vice president rung wildly the president's big bell, which was supposed to command order. The president's baby cried, and some kind soul in the audience handed up baby's bottle. That tickled the audience into a better humor, and after some time of waves of noise and intervals of comparative quiet, it became sufficiently quiet to allow a commencement of the speeches.
There were some half-dozen. Every one of the speakers spoke as easily as though she was in her own room at home, with but an audience of one. All were interesting-that is to say, without an atom of dullness-on the contrary, bright, sparkling, vivacious. All used excellently smooth, pure language, but in more than one case they were illogical. The most interesting speaker for me was an interloperthat is to say, not a candidate. They called her Louise. She is absolutely the type of the women of the First Revolution or the Commune, I am sure. She is an avowed anarchist; and that there were many anarchists in the audience was proved by the attention and applause she received. I should think she was twenty-six years old. She had very black hair and eyes, a thin, sallow face, a mouth so clearly cut, so determined. Her words flowed faster than thought almost, gestures accompanying every phrase; the whole air, the intonation, the manner, absolute defiance. So when finally she said: "But why do we listen to these candidates? What do we want of candidates? What do we want of a House of Deputies? We want no rulers, but liberty, equality "one was not surprised. It hardly took one by surprise, when, as finale to her speech. she descended suddenly by table and chair from the platform to deal summary and personal vengeance on some one of the audience who had dared in an insulting manner to interrupt her, and who paid for his temerity by being obliged to retire earlier than he would have preferred.
Oh, it's a strangely undisciplined, chaotic thingthis sister republic of ours. The present government is too good, and, alas! too weak. They don't dare insist. For instance, at a large political meeting last Sunday, held in the Merchants' Exchange, nothing could be accomplished--all was simply one dreadful row. They broke to pieces chairs and tables, the platform erected for the occasion, took the water decanter and glasses—everything they could get hold of-to tight with, finally resorting to fireAnd the police dared not interfere.
People who watch things carefully and anxiously, predict another revolution in a year. The good peo
ple-and they are many-are so easy; they wish for quiet and peace so much that they won't even fight for it, and so the Anarchists and the Socialists and the Communists get the upper hand. And it's such a shame to think of the peril for all the treasures of art --for all the beautiful parks and noble buildings of this most magnificent city of the world.
Politics over here are far more exciting than with us; for here, alas, everything may turn in incredibly short time to tragedy. There is always the overhanging war cloud-while with us it's only wordsmuch noise; but we need to have no fear of ourselves, or of encroaching neighbors.
There's no doubt about it, we're a wonderful people; made up of so many diverse and contradictory elements, and yet pursuing the even tenor of our national way, accepting grand changes of party with such unruffled serenity of the national temper. We have great cause for thankfulness-we Americans-as well as for pride. L. H. T.
Paris, September, 1885.
Go, happy little messengers,
To think a little senseless kid Such privilege shall own, Unvalued and unmerited, Compels a heart-felt groan.
But I shall see you, blessed things,
The passion-prompted clutch.
And if I chance to press full hard The tender hand you hold, Pray do not let your mistress feel That I am over-bold.
C. A. M.
Tecumseh not Killed by Colonel Johnson. EDITOR OVERLAND MONTHLY:
The June number of the "Century Magazine" contained a communication, from which it appeared almost conclusively proved that the noted Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, was killed by Colonel Richard M. Johnson. I ask for a few lines in your valuable magazine, to give publicity to the story told me by an eyewitness of his fall, who was with him almost daily during the three years previous to his death.
Let me say, in passing, that it may not be gener. ally known just where the famous chief was born. He was born in the year 1770, between the third and the fourth moons, near Station Pond-a body of water on Mad River, in Green County, Ohio, some four miles south of Springfield, and within a mile and a half northwest of the town of Fairfield, Greene County, Ohio, where I was born in 1836, and near where I lived until 1852. During these, my boyhood
days, I became familiar with the following unwritten history regarding Tecumseh. My informant was William Casad-or, as he was always called, "Old Uncle Billy"--who was born about 1772, in Vir ginia, and was living about a mile from Fairfield, Ohio, at the time of my father's settlement there, in 1832, and how much longer I cannot say; but this I know, that he was surrounded by numerous relatives, extending to the fourth generation, numbering at least twenty families-the descendants of which are scattered into nearly every State in the Union, a number of the name still remaining in Ohio, and one, Martin Casad, being now a resident of this city. He will be able to corroborate the following facts, and perhaps add to them. I have sat for hours listening to "Old Uncle Billy's" stories of hair-breadth escapes from Indians, bears, wolves, or panthers, when he was hunting in the mountains of Virginia, and the forests of the West. Among them was this: During the protracted war with the Indians from 1800 to 1810, he was a hunter by trade, hunting bear especially, and also smaller game. He sometimes spent nine months at a time in the western wilds, without seeing the face of an Indian, let alone that of a white man. He always hunted alone, and became so attached to the woods that he could scarcely tolerate any other life. During the fall of 1810, while on a hunting expedition, he was taken prisoner by a band of Shawnees, who carried him hundreds of miles in a direction he had never been. His Indianlike appearance, courage, and ability to stand as much hardship and privation as any Indian, caused his adoption as one of them, and finally into Tecumseh's own family. He slept in Tecumseh's tent for more than two years, and was allowed to carry the War Hatchet in battles, which was quite an honor among them. He had many interesting personal reminiscenses of Tecumseh-among others, of his musical turn, especially with the flute; he would lie on his back and play a sort of march on the flute, which "Uncle Billy" had never heard before or since, and which the chief himself called "Tecumseh."
Casad made his escape from the Indians the day that Tecumseh fell, and was within fifty feet of him at the time he was killed, at the Battle of the Thames, Canada, October 5th, 1813. "It has been reported
for years," "Uncle Billy" would say, "that Colonel Dick Johnson killed him; and Colonel Dick Johnson thought he did; but he did not. Tecumseh was killed by a common soldier." He gave the soldier's name, but I have forgotten it. The cause of the mistake was this: Tecumseh never went into battle with his chief's or general's suit on (he was a British brigadier-general from February, 1813); but some Indian of his own tribe was always found brave enough to wear the habiliments of the chief for that day. On the day that Tecumseh fell, fell also, and by the hand of Colonel Johnson, the brave who wore Tecumseh's suit. "I often asked the soldier who killed Tecumseh,” said Casad, "why he did not write to the War Department, and claim the honor of having killed the chief of the Shawnees; but he always answered: "Oh, I am only a common soldier, and it would do me no good; whereas, to one in the position of my commander, it will give additional honor." Perhaps some reader of this will be able to supply the name of the soldier that "Old Uncle Billy" used to give.
There existed a legend among the surviving descendants of Tecumseh who remained near Station Pond up to the time they were sent to Indian Territory, that Tecumseh's bones and all his war trophies were carried back from Canada and buried on the spot of his birth. Respectfully yours,
L. P. McCarty.
San Francisco, October, 1885.
The "Golden-Thread." WITHIN the cañons dim, where grasses lush Bend down the stream, or struggle tall and rank With twisted willows and the mosses dank; Where manzanita reddens in the flush Of tardy dawn; where grand in awful hush
The mountains tower with torn and jagged flank; Where scarcely venturing to the dizzy bank The thirsty deer disturbs the brooding thrush ; Strong boughs of shrubs, rock-rooted, thick and young, The tangled skeins of golden-thread ensnare With parasitic tendrils subtly flung;
Anon shines forth its beauteous death-light flare O'er trees that die, by its embraces stung: Even Nature says "Of gold's soft gleam beware." Amelia Woodward Truesdell,
The Coming Struggle for India.1 THIS is a plea in behalf of English as adverse to Russian civilization, and an appeal to the people of Great Britain to stay the further progress of Russia
1 The Coming Struggle for India. By Arminius Vambery, London, Paris, New York, and Melbourne. Cassell & Company, Limited. For sale in San Francisco by A. L. Bancroft & Co.
into Afghanistan on its way to India. It is written by a Hungarian, a professor in the university at Buda Pesth, a scholar in the oriental languages, a traveler and resident in central Asia at intervals extending over some twenty years, and a frequent writer upon questions relating to the politics of the countries with which he has so long been familiar. He disclaims being moved simply by any spite against Russia, be
cause of its treatment of his native land; but urges, with some force, that he is moved by "motives strictly humanitarian," in no way influenced "by any special predilection for, or unconditional admiration of, the English." After a study of the history of the Russian advance to Tashkend, the conquest of the Three Khanates, the material and moral victory of the Russians at Geok Tepe, the further progress from Ashkabad to Merv, and the further encroachments towards Herat, the author took up the question and discussed it in a course of lectures in various localities in England. Encouraged by the sympathies which he apparently succeeded in arousing among his hearers, and in a spirit of gratitude therefor, he has written this volume, hoping thereby to arouse "the masses also to the necessity of an active, patriotic, and decisive policy as to Russia." The story of the advance of Russia is necessarily brief, but very interesting, and as an ex parte statement of the case in behalf of England is forcible. The author includes in this discussion, arguments upon the importance of Herat, Russia's chances of conquering that place, the chances in favor of the English defense, and her best method of that defense. He compares the result of Russian civilization in the new countries, in which it has supplanted the more barbarous native tribes, and the result of English civilization, as displayed in the occupation of India; and, finally, sets forth the grounds on which England should retain India, which, by her inaction, the author believes she is certain to lose to Russia. The author appeals to English statesmen as well as to English people, and can scarcely suppress his indignation at the government that apparently supinely allows Russia to advance, when but a few more steps will, in his opinion, bring her so near to India that her progress and conquest over that country will be inevitable. As a plea on one side of the great debate, it is meritorious and convincing. If its influence shall be considerable among those to whom it is chiefly addressed, and so great that it shall become known among those whom it specially attacks, it may be that it will call forth from Russian sources statements of Russia's position, and the world be better taught in a great question, which were much better determined by intelligent arbitrament than by the commoner resort to the god of battles.
THE Philistinism that gives the name to the Reverend R. Heber Newton's book of sermons1 is mod
ern materialistic scepticism, and its Goliath is Ingersoll, whom the preacher calls "the blatant mouthpiece of the crude thought of the day." Yet these sermons have drawn upon the Rector of All Souls' the criticism of many well-meaning people, both in
1 Philistinism. By R. Heber Newton, Rector of All Souls' P. E. Church, New York, New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1885. For sale in San Francisco by Strickland & Pierson.
and out of his communion. He expresses in the preface a mild surprise that it should have been so, being "conscious of an earnestly constructive aim." It is difficult to see how he could have expected any other result from some of his utterances. For instance: The popular notion of the Trinity is undoubtedly utterly grotesque-a sort of Midsummer Night's Dream of a Divine Being, at once one and three, of whom no conceivable thought can be formed better than that which the popular imagination of India cast into the monstrous form of an image with three heads" (p. 58). True, he goes on to build up a new conception that may be clothed in the language of the received formulas; but the sentences that cling in the memory and make the deepest impres sion are those like the above. Mr. Newton is more fearless, more intellectual, and more liberal than most of his brethren. He cares not where his logic leads him; he studies Huxley and Tyndall and Spen. cer; he quotes from Theodore Parker, and pronounces him "the greatest American preacher of the last generation." There are two introductory sermons on historic Christianity, in which the results of recent criticism are discussed; three on dogmatic theory, in which the doctrines of the Trinity, original sin, election, atonement, the resurrection of the body, and future punishment are developed in the old forms and in the newest thought concerning them; and seven sermons on the essential Christian faiths. In these, modern science is put on the wit ness stand, and made to testify regarding mind and matter, design in nature, the problem of pain, both animal and human, Jesus the Christ, and immortality. Spiritualism, the mind cure, and other modern ideas, are discussed in connection with these last subjects. It will be seen that Mr. Newton's book is one that thinking people will like to read, and it is a book that invites, almost demands, a second and third perusal. That is sufficient praise for a book of ser mons.“ Due West," by M. M. Ballou, published some time ago, was successful enough to lead to the publication of a new book by the same hand-Due South2. In the earlier book the author, starting from Boston, contiued his westward course till he reached his home again. It would be rather unreasonable to expect an attempt at the same plan in the present book; for that would condemn the voyager to a perpetual home in the Antarctic regions. In point of fact, Mr. Ballou's present book deals with Cuba. Not having so much ground to cover as in the former volume, the narrative is more detailed briefly given, but the greater part of the book is filled and more enjoyable. The history of the island is with description of her present condition and resources. The picture is painted from the New England standpoint, and does not lack for dark shadows to offset the high lights. Mr. Ballou considers the
2 Due South. By Maturin M. Ballou. Boston: Houghon, Mifflin & Co. 1885. For sale in San Francisco by C. Beach.