see both sides claiming an exclusive privilege of patriot- [influence as historical works honestly and judiciously exism, and using against each other weapons of political ecuted. For if the doctrine of union were a new one now warfare which I never can handle, cannot but cherish first to be inculcated, our history would furnish the most that congenial spirit which has always preserved itself decisive arguments in its favor. It is no longer the great pure from the infectious vapors of faction; which con-lesson to be learnt, but the fundamental maxim to be siders temperance, as one of the first political duties; confirmed; and every species of influence should be exand which can perceive a very distinct shade of differ-erted by all genuine American patriots to make its imence between political candor and political hypocrisy.

portance more highly estimated and more unquestionaIt affords me constant pleasure to recollect that the bly established.-Perhaps you will find it impossible to history of our country has fallen into the hands of such avoid disclosing the New England man-I have enough a man. For as impartiality lies at the bottom of all of that feeling myself most ardently to wish, that the historical truth, I have often been not without my appre-brightest examples of a truly liberal and comprehensive hensions, that no true history of our times would appear American political system may be exhibited by New at least in the course of our age. That we should have England-men. nothing but federal histories or republican histories.New England histories or Virginia histories. We are indeed not overstocked with men capable even of this, who have acted a part in the public affairs of our nation. But of men who unite both qualifications, that of having bad a practical knowledge of our affairs, and that of possessing mind capable of impartiality in summing up the merits of our government, administrations, opposi tions, and people, I know not another man with whom I have ever had the opportunity of forming an acquaintance on the correctness of whose narrative I should so implicitly rely.

I regret that I could not have the pleasure of a full and confidential personal interview with you, before my departure. My father I am sure, will be happy to see you at Quincy, and to furnish you any materials in his He has been for the last three months publishpower. ing papers which I think will not be without their use in your undertaking. Adieu, my dear sir, I write you this letter on the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, after passing the night in catching cod-of which, in the interval of a six hours calm, we have caught upwards of sixty. In the association of ideas there is no very unnatural transition from codfishing on the Grand Bank to the history of the United States. No man will I trust be better able than yourself to supply intermediate links in this singular concatenation. Let me only hope it will appear to you as natural a transition, as that from any subject whatsoever to the assurance of that respect and attachment with which I subscribe myself, Your friend and humble servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

Extract of a letter from William Plumer, heretofore a senator of the United States, and afterwards governor of New Hampshire.

Such a historian, and I take delight in the belief, will be a legislator without needing constituents.-You have so long meditated on your plan, and so much longer upon the duties of man in society, as they apply to the transactions in your own life, that I am well assured, your work will carry a profound political moral with it. And I hope, though upon this subject I have had no hint from you which can ascertain that your view of the subject is the same as mine: but I hope that the moral of your history will be the indissoluble union of the North American continent.--The plan of a New England combination more closely cemented than by the general ties Epping, N. H. December 20, 1828. of the federal government; a combinaton, first to rule the whole, and, if that should prove impracticable, to seDuring the long and eventful session of congress of perate from the rest, has been so far matured, and has 1803 and 1804, I was a member of the senate, and was at engaged the studies, the intrigues and the ambitions of the city of Washington every day of that session. In the So many leading men, in our part of the country, that I course of the session, at different times, and places, sethink it will eventually produce mischievous consequen veral of the federalists, senators and representatives, ces unless seasonably and effectually discountenanced by men of more influence and more comprehensive views. from the New England states, informed me that they To rise upon a division system is unfortunately one of thought it necessary to establish a separate government in the most obvious, and apparently easy courses which New England, and, if it should be found practicable, to extend it so far south as to include Pennsylvania: but in plays before the eyes of individual ambition, in every section of the union. It is the natural resource of all the all events to establish one in New England. They comsmall statesmen, who, feeling like Cæsar, and finding that plained, that the slave holding states had acquired, by Rome is too large an object for their grasp, would strike means of their slaves, a greater increase of representaoff a village where they might aspire to the first station tives in the house than was just and equal; that too great without exposing themselves to derision. This has been a portion of the public revenue was raised in the northre the most powerful operative impulse upon all the divis-ern states, and too much of it expended in the southern ionists from the first Kentucky conspiracy, down to the and western states; and that the acquisition of Louisiana negotiations between Massachusetts, Connecticut and and the new states that were formed, and those to be New Hampshire, of the last winter and spring-consid- formed in the west and in the ceded territory, would soon annihilate the weight and influence of the northern ered merely as a purpose of ambition, the great objection against this scheme is its littleness. Instead of ad- states in the government. Their intention, they said, was to establish their new ding all the tribes of Israel to Judah and Benjamin, like David, it is walking in the ways of Jeroboam, the son of government under the authority and protection of state Nebat, who made Israel to sin by breaking off Samaria governments. That, having secured the election of a from Jerusalem. Looking at it in reference to moral governor and a majority of a legislature in a state in favor considerations, it is detestable, as it certainly cannot be of a separation, the legislature should repeal the law auaccomplished by open and honorable means. The abet-thorising the people to elect representatives to congress, tors are obliged to disavow their real designs-to affect and the legislature decline electing senators to congress, others to practice continual deception, and to work and gradually withdraw the state from the union, estabupon the basest materials, the selfish and dissocial pas-lish custom house officers to grant registers, and clearances to vessels, and eventually establish a federal governsions of their instruments. Politically speaking, it is as injudicious as it is contracted and dishonorable. The ment in the northern and eastern states. And that if New American people are not prepared for disunion, far less England united in the measure, it would in due time be so than these people imagine. They will continue to re- effected without resorting to arms. Just before that session of congress closed, one of the sist and defeat every attempt of that character, as they uniformly have done, and such projects will still termi- gentlemen to whom I have alluded, informed me, that nate in the ruin of their projectors. But the ill conse-arrangements had been made to have the next autumn, quences of this turbulent spirit will be to keep the country in a state of constant agitation, to embitter the local prejudices of fellow citizens against each other, and to diminish the influence which we ought to have, and might have, in the general councils of the union.

To counteract the tendency of these partial and foolish combinations, I know nothing so likely to have a decisive

in Boston, a select meeting of the leading federalists in New England, to consider and recommend the measures necessary to form a systera of government for the northern states, and that Alexander Hamilton, of New York, had consented to attend that meeting.

Soon after my return from Washington I adopted the most effectual means in my power to collect the opinions

of well informed leading federalists in New Hampshire, old proverb about setting a beggar on horse-back. Mr. upon the subject. I found some in favor of the measure, Quincy has been at the pains now of furnishing them but a great majority of them decidedly opposed to the with the new pretext which will wear no better than its project; and from the partial and limited inquiries I made predecessors. Mr. Quincy should not have quoted me in Massachusetts, the result appeared to me nearly simi- as an authority for a dissolution of the union. He may lar to that in New Hampshire. be assured it is a doctrine that will never have my saneThe gentlemen, who in the winter of 1805 and 1804, tion. It is my attachment to the union which makes me informed me there was to be a meeting of the federalists, specially anxious for the result of the Massachusetts in the autumn of 1804, at Boston, at the session of con- elections. They are a contest of life and death for the gress in the winter of 1804 and 1805, observed to me, union. If that party are not ultimately put down in that the death of general Hamilton had prevented the Massachusetts, as completely as they already are in New meeting, but the project was not, and would not be aban-York and Pennsylvania, and all the southern and wesdoned. tern states, the union is gone. Instead of a nation coexI owe it to you as well as myself, to state explicitly tensive with the North American continent, destined by that in the session of congress, in the winter of 1803 and God and nature to be the most populous and most pow1804, I was myself in favor of forming a separate go-erful people ever combined under one social compact, vernment in New England; and wrote several confiden- we shall have an endless multitude of little insignificant tial letters to a few of my friends and correspondents, clans and tribes, at eternal war with one another, for a recommending the measure. But afterwards, upon tho-rock or a fish pond, the sport and fable of European masroughly investigating and maturely considering the subject, ters and oppressors." I was fully convinced that my opinion in favor of separation was the most erroneous that I ever formed upon political subjects. The only consolation I had, was that my error in opinion had not produced any acts injurious to the integrity of the union. When the same project was revived in 1808 and 1809, during the embargo and "The alternative then is, that if you do not wish to benon-intercourse, and afterwards, during the war of 1812, come the slaves of those who own slaves, and who are I used every effort in my power, both privately and pub-themselves the slaves of French slaves, you must either, licly, to defeat the attempt then made to establish a se- in the language of the day, cut the connexion, or so far parate independent government in the northern states. alter the national constitution, as to secure yourselves a You are at liberty to make such use of this communi- due share in the government. The union has long since cation as you shall consider proper. been virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this porAccept the assurance of my high respect and esteem. tion of the disunited states should take care of itself. WILLIAM PLUMER. But this, as Mr. Burke expresses it, is high matter, and must be left to the united wisdom of a northern and eastern convention. The voice of the people, who are our sovereigns will then be heard, and must be respected. To continue to suffer, AS WE HAVE EIGHT YEARS PAST, from the incapacity of a weak if not a corrupt administration, is more than can be expected from human patience, or Christian resignation. The time has arrived when common prudence is pusillanimity, and moderation has ceased to be a virtue."

Extract from a sermon preached at Boston, 23d July, 1812, by a highly respectable clergyman, intimately connected with the most eminent leaders of the then federal party.

[Extract from the journals of the Hartford convention.] Rules of proceedings-adopted 15th December, 1814, the first day of the meeting.

2. The most inviolable secresy shall be observed by each member of this convention, including the secretary, as to all propositions, debates, and proceedings thereof, until this injunction shall be suspended or altered.

board.

[FROM AUSTIN'S LIFE OF GERRY.] Extract of a letter from a distinguished citizen of the United States, dated St. Peterburg, 30th June, 1811. "The Massachusetts election appears to agitate the Americans in Europe almost exclusively; of all the elections going on at the same time in many parts of the union, I see paragraphs in the newspapers, but hear not a syllable from any other quarter. But American federalists in this city, have received letters from their friends in London and in Gottenburg, in high exultation announcing the election of Mr. Gore by a majority of more than three thousand votes. -Other Americans of different politics contest the validity of this return, and affirm that Mr. Gerry and Mr. Gray have been re-elected, though by a reduced majority compared with that of the last year. Why this extreme anxiety for the Massachusetts election? Is it Mr. Gore for whose elevation all this 3. The secretary of this convention is authorised to enthusiasm is harbored? I think it by no means diffi- employ some suitable person to serve as a door-keeper cult to account for. There is much foreign hope and and messenger, together with a suitable assistant, if ne fear involved in these Massachusetts elections; all the cessary, neither of whom are at any time to be made acrest, even New York, are despaired of. But the Mas-quainted with any of the debates or proceedings of the sachusetts federal politicians have got to talk so openly and with such seeming indifference, not to say readiness for a dissolution of the union, they are so valiant in their threats of resistance to the laws; they seem so resolute On motion, Resolved, That the injunction of secresy, for a little experiment upon the energy of the union and in regard to all the debates and proceedings of this conits government, that in the prospects of a war with Ame-vention, except in so far as relates to the report finally rica, which most of the British statesmen now at the adopted, be, and hereby is. continued. helm considern as in the line of wise policy, they and all their partisans calculate boldly and without disguise or concealment upon the co-operation of the Massachu- Extracts from the final report of the convention. setts federalists. The Massachusetts election, there- "To prescribe patience and firmness to those who are fore is a touchstone of a national principle, and upon its already exhausted by distress, is sometimes to drive them issue may depend the question of peace and war between to despair, and the progress towards reform by the reguthe United States and England. However hostile a Brit-lar road is irksome to those whose imaginations discern, ish ministry may feel against us, they will never venture and whose feelings prompt to a shorter course. But upon it until they can depend upon an active co-opera- when abuses reduced to system, and accumulated through tion with them, within the United States. It is from the a course of years, have pervaded every department of New England federalists alone that they can expect it. government, and spread corruption through every region of the state; when these are clothed with the forms of law, and enforced by an executive whose will is their source, no summary means of relief can be applied without recourse to direct and open resistance.'

From the same view of the subject, though prompted by very opposite feelings, I too take a deep interest in the Massachusetts elections. I have known now more than seven years the projects of the Boston faction against the union. They have ever since that time at least, been seeking a pretext and an occasion for avowing the principle. The people, however, have never been ready to go with them; and when in the embargo time they did for a moment get a majority with them, they only verified the¦

January 3, 1815. After the acceptance of the final re

port

N. B. This injunction of secresy was never removed. The convention adjourned the 5th of January.

"It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails to no inconsiderable extent, that the administration have given such constructions to that instrument, and practised so many abuses, under color of its authority, that the time for a change is at hand. Those who se

believe, regard the evils which surround them as intrin- to their forms, states, which have no common umpire, sic and incurable defects in the constitution. They yield must be their own judges, and execute their own decisions. to a persuasion, that no change, at any time, or on any It will THUS BE PROPER for the several states to await the occasion, can aggravate the misery of their country.- ultimate disposal of the obnoxious measures, recomThis opinion may ultimately prove to be correct. But mended by the secretary of war, or pending before conas the evidence on which it rests is not yet conclusive, gress, and so to use their power according to the charac and as measures adopted upon the assumption of its cer-ter these measures shall finally assume, as effectually to fainty might be irrevocable, some general considerations protect their own sovereignty, and the rights and liberare submitted, in the hope of reconciling all to a course ties of their citizens." of moderation and firmness, which may save them from the regret incident to sudden decisions, probably avert the evil, or at least insure consolation and success in the last resort."

"Thus convention will not trust themselves to express their conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state of things inevitably tends."

"It would be inexpedient for this convention to diminish the hope of a successful issue to such an application, by recommending, upon supposition of a contrary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it indeed within their province. In a state of things so soleman and trying as may then arise, the legislature of the state, or conventions of the whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the express purpose in another convention, must act as such urgent circumstances may then require," Therefore resolved

"The last enquiry, what course of conduct ought to be adopted by the aggrieved states, is in a high degree momentous. When a great and brave people shall teel themselves deserted by their government, and reduced "The lust and caprice of power, the corruption of to the necessity either of submissoin to a foreign enemy, patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of the or of appropriating to their own use those means of decommunity by the stronger, heavy taxes, wastelul expen-fence which are indispensable to self preservation, they ditures, and unjust and ruinous wars, are the natural off- cannot consent to wait passive spectators of approaching spring of bad administrations, in all ages and countries. rain, which it is in their power to avert, and to resign the It was indeed to be hoped, that the rulers of these states last remnant of their industrious earnings, to be dissiwould not make such disastrous haste to involve their in-pated in support of measures destructive of the best interfancy in the embarrassments of old and rotten institu-ests of the nation.” tions. Yet all this have they done; and their conduct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But to attempt upon every abuse of power to change the constifution, would be to perpetuate the evils of revolution." "Finally, if the union be destined to dissolution, by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administrations, it should, if possible, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate consent. Some new form of confederacy should he substituted among those sidies which shall intend to maintain a federal relation to each other. Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They may be found to proceed, not merely from the blindness of prejudices, pride of opinion, vioTences of party spirit, or the confusions of the times; but "That it be and hereby is recommended to the legisthey may be traced to implacable combinations of indi- latures of the several states represented in this convention viduals, or of states, to monopolise power and office, and to adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectuto trample without remorse upon the rights and inter-ally to protect the citizens of said states from the operation ests of commercial sections of the union. Whenever it and effects of all acts which have been or may be passed shall appear that these causes are radical and permanent, by the congress of the United States, which shall contain a separation, by equitable arrangement, will be prefer-provisions subjecting the militia or other citizens to forciable to an alliance by constraint, among nominal friends, ble drafts, conscriptions, or impressments not authorised but real enemies, inflamed by mutual hatred and jealou-by the constitution of the United States." sies, and inviting by intestine divisions, contempt and ag- "Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to gression from abroad. But a severance of the union by the said legislatures, to authorise an immediate and earnone or more states, against the will of the rest, and es- est application to be made to the government of the pecially in a time of war, can be justified only by abso- United States, requesting their consent to some arrangeiute necessity. These are among the principal objections ment, whereby the said states may, separately or in corr against precipitate measures tending to disunite the states, cert, be empowered to assume upon themselves the deand when examined in connexion with the farewell ad- fence of their territory against the enemy, and a reasonadress of the father of his country, they must, it is believ-ble portion of the taxes, collected within said states, may ed, be deemed conclusive." be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appro"In this whole series of devices and measures for rais-priated to the payment of the balance due said states, and ing men, this convention discern a total disregard for the to the future defence of the same. The amount so paid constitution, and a disposition to violate its provisions de- into the said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursemanding from the individual states a firm and decided ments made as aforesaid to be charged to the United opposition. An iron despotism can impose no harder States. servitude upon the citizen, than to force him from his "Resolved, That if the application of these states to the home and his occupation, to wage offensive wars, under-government of the United States, recommended in a taken to gratify the pride or passions of his master. The foregoing resolution should be unsuccessful and PEACE example of France has recently shown that a cabal of in- SHOULD NOT BE CONCLUDED, and the defence of these dividuals assuming to act in the name of the people, may states should be neglected as it has been since the comtransform the great body of citizens into soldiers, and de- mencement of the war, it will, in the opinion of this conliver them into the hands of a single tyrant. No war, vention, be expedient for the legislatures of the several not held in just abhorrence by a people, can require the states to appoint delegates to another convention to meet aid of such stratagems to recruit an army." at Boston, in the state of Massachusetts, on the third Thursday of June next, with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require."

"That acts of congress in violation of the constitution are absolutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, however, consist with the respect and forbearance due from a confederate state towards the general govern- Resolved, That the honorable George Cabot, the honment, to fly to open resistance upon every infraction of orable Chauncey Goodrich, and the honorable Daniel the constitution. The mode and the energy of the oppo-Lyman, or any two of them, be authorised to call another sition should always conform to the nature of the viola-meeting of this convention, to be holden in Boston, at any tion, the intention of its authors, the extent of the injury time before new delegates shall be chosen as recommendinflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it,ed in the above resolution if in their judgment the situaand the danger of delay. But in cases of deliberate, dan- tion of the country shall urgently require it." gerous, and palpable infractions of the constitution, affecting the sovereignty of a state, and liberties of the people, it is not only the right but the duty of such a state to interpose its authority for their protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. When emergencies occur, which are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay incident

ENGINES FOR RAIL ROADS.

So far as our knowledge on such subjects extends-(and we confess it to be very limited), the project submitted in the following communication is entirely new, and, to us, exceedingly simple-for the machinery adequate to the transportation of any given weight at a cer-

tain rate per hour, might be so geered as to gain power, I state of Maryland, to the trustees of Mount Zion meet→ by decreased velocity, for the transportation of the ing house, in said county and state. same weight, over less favorable ground. To authorise the appointment of a surveyor for the Virginia military district, in the state of Ohio.

Elkton, Md. Feb. 26, 1829. Messrs. Niles.-I beg leave to call the attention of your readers to an improvement in the rail road sy stem, which has lately been suggested by a gentleman of this town. The improvement I speak of is intended to supersede the use of stationary engines, for the purpose of ascending inclined planes. The design is very simple, yet appears well calculated to produce the desired effect. I will give you a description of it in as few words as possible. A locomotive engine is used instead of a stationary one, and operates in a similar manner, viz: one end of a chain is made fast to a ring bolt, or other stationary object, on the summit of the hill, and the other end is fixed to a cylinder, which is turned by the machinery in the steam carriage. By this means the cars are made to ascend the hill with as much facility as could be attained by a stationary engine. If necessary, the cars could be detached from the steam carriage at the foot of the hill, and the steam carriage, by means of the chain and cylinder could ascend alone. After the engine had arrived at the summit, it could be made fast, and, extending the chain backwards, draw up the cars in the same manner that a stationary engine would do. When the cars had so reached the apex of the hill, the whole caravan could proceed on the level or declivity, in the manner provided for such cases. This method appears to possess several eminent advantages over the use of the stationary en-eight hundred and twenty-nine. gine: 1. One carriage could run the length of the whole road, whereas if the stationary engine be used, one must be placed on the summit of every hill in the route.—2. There would be a great saving in the expenses of fuel and attendants, by using the locomotive instead of the stationary engine. 3. The former need be kept in operation only when its services were required:-the latter must be kept in constant motion, or great delays must ensue to the cars used for transportation. And indeed whenever the stationary engine could be used with advantage, the locomotive one would be found to answer every purpose. You will gratify several persons by pubEshing this note in your Register-and perhaps introduce to public notice a design that appears to be feasible, and may prove highly expedient. Very respectfully,

To alter the time of holding the sixth circuit court of the United States for the district of South Carolina.

To provide for the purchase and distribution of certain copies of the digest of the laws of the United States, by Thomas F. Gordon.

Making additional appropriations for the payment of the revolutionary and other pensioners of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine.

Making appropriations for building light-houses and beacons, and placing buoys, and for improving harbors, and directing surveys.

To continue the present mode of supplying the army of the United States.

Making additional appropriations for certain fortifica tions of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine.

For the relief of the navy hospital fund.

For the benefit of the trustees of the Valley creek academy, in the state of Alabama.

W.

TITLES OF THE ACTS OF CONGRESS. Passed at the session just closed. An act making appropriations for the support of the government for the first quarter of the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine.

To preserve from injury and waste, the school lands in the territory of Arkansas.

Extending the time within which merchandise may be exported with the benefit of drawback.

Restricting the location of certain land claims in the territory of Arkansas, and for other purposes.

To allow a salary to the marshal of the district of Connecticut.

Allowing an additional drawback on sugar refined in the United States, and exported therefrom.

To establish a port of entry at Magnolia, in Florida. To authorise the citizens of the territories of Arkansas and Florida to elect their officers, and for other purposes. In addition to the act, entitled, "an act to amend the judicial system of the United States."

To allow a salary to the marshal of the eastern district of Virginia.

For altering the times for holding the sessions of the circuit court of the United States for the district of Georgia, at the places provided by law.

To amend an act, entitled, "an act for the better organization of the medical department of the navy," approv ed 24th May, 1828.

Resolutions amendatory of a joint resolution, passed third of March, one thousand eight hundred and nineteen. To allow further time to complete the issuing and loeating the military land warrants.

Authorising the laying off a town on Bean river, in the state of Illinois and for other purposes.

Releasing the lien of the United States, upon a part of the land of Benjamin Owens, in Anne Arundel county,

Making additional appropriations for the support of government for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine.

Making additional appropriations for the military ser vice of the United States, for the year one thousand

peake and Delaware canal company, and in the Dismal Authorising the subscription of stock in the ChesaSwamp canal company.

widow and children of pensioners, in certain cases, and Making provisions for the payment of pensions to the for other purposes.

To authorise the establishment of a town on land reserved for the use of schools, and to direct the manner of disposing of certain reserved quarter sections of land for the seat of government in Florida.

Providing for the printing and binding sixty thousand copies of the abstract of infantry tactics; incluing manœuvres of light infantry and riflemen, and for other pur poses.

For the construction of the Cumberland road westwardly of Zanesville.

For the continuation of the Cumberland road. Making appropriations for completing certain roads, and for making examinations and surveys.

To authorise a subscription for stock, on the part of the United States, in the Louisville and Portland canal company.

Resolution in relation to the survey and laying out a military road in the state of Maine.

Making additional appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine.

Confirming the reports of the register and receiver of the land office for the district of Saint Stephens, in the state of Alabama, and for other purposes.

To provide for the apprehension and delivery of deserters, from certain foreign vessels in the ports of the United States.

Making appropriations for the Indian department for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine. Making appropriations for the erection and completion of certain barracks and quarters, and for other purposes. Making appropriations for carrying into effect certain treaties with Indian tribes, and for holding a treaty with the Pottawatamies.

Making appropriations for the public buildings, and for other purposes.

To incorporate the Washington, Alexandria, and
Georgetown steam packet company.
For the preservation and repair of the Cumberland
road.

To authorise the president of the United States to cause the reserved lead mines in the state of Missouri to be exposed at public sale, and for other purposes.

Providing for ceding to the state of South Carolina the jurisdiction over, and the title to, a certain tract of land called Mount Dearborn, in the said state.

Making additional appropriations for completing and Sanford, Smith of Maryland, Tazewell, White, Wil repairing piers, for the improvement of certain harbors,liams, Woodbury-22. and of the navigation of certain rivers.

To authorise the president of the United States to cause the reserved salt springs in the state of Missouri, to be exposed to public sale.

The senate agreed by a vote of 27 to 16, to reconsider the bill for the relief of Thomas S. Winthrop and others, directors of the Mississippi land company. The question again recurring on its passage, the yeas and nays Concerning the government and discipline of the pen-were equally divided, and the vice president having given itentiary in the District of Columbia.

his vote in the negative, it was rejected.

The bill for the relief of sundry revolutionary and other officers and soldiers, and for other purposes, was then taken up, and the amendments of the committee were considered, and occupied the senate until the hour of adjournment.

With the following private acts-for the relief of John B. Lemaitre, jr. of Daniel Goodwin, Robert L. Kennon, Augustus Aspenwall, Jacob Rentleman, heirs of John Gywan, John T. Smith and Wilson P. Hunt, William Otis, George Wilson, Thomas Griffin, representatives of James A. Harper, Samuel Chesnut, Thomas Hunt, February 27. The bill from the house of representaCharles A. Burnett, representatives of John Guest, Wil-tives repealing the tonnage duty on vessels of the United liam R. Maddox, and Joshua Foltz. States, and on certain foreign vessels, was twice read and referred.

TWENTIETH CONGRESS-2d SESSION.

SENATE.

The following, among other bills, were read the third time and passed-viz: making appropriations for the Indian department-making additional appropriations for February, 26. After other business, 5000 extra co- certain fortifications of the U. S. for the year 1828-makpies of the document "showing the amount expended by ing additional appropriations for the support of the navy the federal government, on works of internal improve--and to repeal so much of the laws relative to brevet ment within the limits of the several states, with an esti-rank, as authorizes the president to confer that rank on mate of the amount necessary to complete any work be- such officers of the army as had served ten years in any gun, and not yet completed, were ordered to be printed. one grade. The bill from the house of representatives, "to amend an act, entitled 'an act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service of the U. States, during the revolutionary war,' and the several acts made in amendment thereof, and for other purposes, was read the first time, and the yeas and nays were called for on ordering it to a second reading.

Mr. Chandler stated his reasons for the vote he should give on this question. The session was near its close the bill was of an important nature, and required due consideration-there was not sufficient time to give it that attention which its importance demanded,

Mr. Marks thought that a proper courtesy to the other house required the senate to have the bill read a second time and referred. It was true, there was already much business before the committee on pensions: nevertheless, if the bill was referred to them, they would give it a careful examination, though he was fearful it could not be acted upon during the present session.

Mr. Noble was of opinion that there would be no want of courtesy to the other house in laying the bill on the table if there was not sufficient time for the senate to act upon it. It such was the fact, it might as well be laid upon the table at once, and he therefore made that mo

tion.

On motion of Mr. Benton, it was ordered that all other business be passed over, in order that the senate might act upon their own bills, this being the last day on which bills could be sent down. Accordingly, several bills, some of the senate and others from the house, among them the bill for the relief of sundry revolutionary and other officers and soldiers, and for other purposes, were laid on the table

Messages were received from the president of the U. States, viz. transmitting a report of the secretary of war, including the inspection reports of major general general Gaines; in reference to a proposed canal from the Atlantic ocean to the gulf of Mexico; transmitting a report of the secretary of war, including the report of the engineers who have made surveys for that purpose; transmitting a statement of the expenses of the general land office for the year 1828.

On motion of Mr. Holmes, it was

Resolved, That when the senate adjourn, it be to meet at six o'clock. Adjourned.

The evening session was principally occupied in considering private bills.

Mr. Webster offered a resolution, requesting the president of the United States to lay before the senate copies of the instructions given to the persons appointed to Mr. Holmes called for the yeas and nays on this motion: represent the United States at the congress of Panama. they were ordered accordingly, and stood as follows: naval affairs, reported the bill for the relief of the navy February 28. Mr. Hayne, from the committee on YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Berrien, Bouligny, Branch, hospital fund, with an amendment; substituting the sum Chandler, Dickerson, Dudley, Eaton, Foot, Hayne, of $125,000, for the much larger sum named in the bill. Hendricks, Iredell, Johnson, Ky. Johnston, Lou. Kane,The amendment was agreed to, and the bill was passed King, McKinley, McLane, Noble, Prince. Ridgely, Rowan, Smith, Md. Smith, S. C. White, Williams-26. to be engrossed for a third reading. The bill was subseNAYS-Messrs. Barnard, Barton, Bell, Burnet,quently read a third time, and passed. Chambers, Chase, Holmes, Knight, Marks, Robbins, solution, which was considered and agered to: Mr. Smith, of Maryland, submitted the following reRuggles, Sanford, Seymour, Silsbee, Webster, Willey, Woodbury-17.

Resolve, That the secretary of the treasury be, and he is hereby directed to lay before the senate, in the first So the bill was virtually rejected. week of the next session of congress, a statement showThe bill making appropriations for the Indian departing the total amount of bonds taken for duties by each ment was taken up in committee of the whole, amended, collector of the customs, for the year 1826, 1827, and reported to the senate, and ordered to be engrossed.1828, the per centum charged by each, and the total The bill "making additional appropriations for certain amount of the commissions received by each; the net fortifications of the United States, for the year 1829,"amount (all charges deducted) of emoluments received was considered as in committee of the whole, reported to the senate without amendment, and ordered to a third reading.

Mr. Seymour moved that the senate do now go into the consideration of executive business; which motion was rejected by yeas and nays, as follows:

by each collector; the net emoluments of each naval officer, surveyor, measurer, gauger, and weigher, in each port, for those years, (all charges deducted) adding thereto what either may receive, as superintendent of lighthouses; the total number of permanent inspectors in each port, and the emoluments of each; the total number of temporary inspectors in each port, and their average emolument, by adding up the gross sum paid them, and

YEAS-Messrs. Barton, Bell, Bouligny, Burnet, Chambers, Chase, Foot, Hendricks, Holmes, Johnston, of Lousiana, Knight, Marks, McKinley, Robbins, Rug-dividing it by the number employed. gles, Seymour, Silsbee, Smith of S. Carolina, Thomas, The senate then proceeded to consider the following Webster, Willey-21. resolution, offered last evening by Mr. Webster:

NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Berrien, Branch, Chandler, Dickerson, Dudley, Eaton, Hayne, Iredell, Johnson of Ky. Kane, King, McLane, Prince, Ridgely, Rowan,

Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to communicate to the senate, confidentially and in its executive character, copies of the instruc