VOTE. Each Senator shall have one..

VOTE. The Vice President shall have no vote unless the Senate be equally divided..
VOTE. Every vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may
be necessary, (except on a question of adjournment,) shall be presented to the President.
(See Resolution.)

VOTES in the two Houses of Congress, on passage of any bill, order, resolution or vote, returned
with objections by the President, shall be taken by yeas and nays
VOTES of electors of President and Vice President. Place and manner of giving the votes; lists

of votes to be made, signed, certified, transmitted sealed to the seat of Government,
directed to the President of the Senate, to be opened and counted by that officer in the
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives; the number necessary to a choice;
the day on which electoral votes shall be given throughout the United States. (See Elec-
tion.).....

VOTES taken by States. In choosing the President by the House of Representatives, the votes
shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote....
WAR. Congress shall have power to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make
rules concerning captures on land and water..

WAR. Congress shall have power to make rules ("rules and articles of war") for the government
of the land and naval forces......

WAR. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, engage in war unless actually invaded,

......

.....

or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay....
WAR. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in
adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort...
WAR. No soldier shall be quartered in any house in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed
by law..

.....

WAR. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a
presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval
forces, or in the militia when in actual service, in time of war or public danger
WARRANTS. No warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirma-
tion, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be
seized

WASHINGTON, President and deputy from Virginia, signed this Constitution. George.

ALPHABETICAL ANALYSIS-Continued.

WE the people establish this Constitution

...

WEIGHTS and measures. Congress shall have power to fix the standard of weights and mea

sures........

WELFARE. Constitution established to promote the general welfare
WELFARE. Congress shall have power to promote the general welfare..
WILLIAMSON, deputy from North Carolina, signed this Constitution. Hugh
WILSON, deputy from Pennsylvania, signed this Constitution. James..
WITNESSES. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses
to the same overt act, or on confession in open court....

WITNESS against himself. Nor shall any person be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a
witness against himself..

WITNESSES against him. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused to be confronted with the
witnesses against him

WITNESSES in his favor. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused to have compulsory process

WRITINGS. Exclusive right to writings may be secured by authors for a limited time........
WRIT of habeas corpus. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless
when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it

....

YEAS and nays of the members of either House of Congress, on any question, shall, at the desire
of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the Journal. The
YEAS and nays. Votes in the two Houses of Congress, on passage of any bill, order, resolution,
or vote, returned with objections by the President, shall be taken by yeas and nays.

.....

CHAPTER 2.

THE Confederation having given place to the American Union, under the Constitution of the United States, it was considered unnecessary to insert, in the first and second editions of this book, the Articles of Confederation, which were agreed to by the Delegates of the thirteen Original States, in Congress assembled, on the 15th November, 1777; ratified by eight States, on the 9th July, 1778; and finally ratified by all the States, on the 1st March, 1781; but on further consideration, those articles have been inserted at page 471, merely as matter of history, as it were out of place to mingle that inefficient form of government with the present approved and successful system, which has stood the test of more than half a century, and which is destined, under Divine Providence, not only to perpetuate the happiness and safety of the people of the United States, but to be the Great Exemplar of Nations, when governments shall, by the natural and just power of man, be brought to their legitimate purposes and uses—to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people.

The matter contained in this chapter exhibits the deplorable condition of the finances and credit of the government under the old form, and the incompetency of the Congress of the Confederation to raise a revenue, support the public credit, regulate trade or commerce, or to provide for the wants and safety of the country; and it is intended thereby to show the immediate and prominent causes that led to the abandonment of that inefficient form, and the adoption of the present system of government; and, also, to show the official proceedings by which the change was effected and the present Constitution established.

These facts and proceedings may prove a warning against the treasonable suggestions of the evil spirit, whose insidious and alluring temptations are, not unfrequently, directed towards the

most ardent and honest citizens, whose zeal in the defence of the supposed interests of a part of the Union might induce them even to go so far as to calculate the value of the Union itself, and of the Constitution. By exhibiting the impotency of the measures adopted by the Old Confederation to provide for the wants and to secure the independence and safety of the people, the perusal of these proceedings will induce a due appreciation of the value of our inestimable Union, so firmly bound together by the conservative and protective principles of our noble Constitution, and will banish from the mind the least idea of a disorganizing tendency, or of relapsing into the enfeebled condition of the General Government before the adoption of the Constitution. The danger of extracting from the edifice one particle of the material which serves to support its magnificent superstructure, is here practically made manifest, and every true-hearted American citizen will firmly resolve, with heart and hand, and sleepless vigilance, to guard the Union, fortified by the Constitution, as the citadel of our liberties-the object of our greatest care, and the consummation of our earthly hope.

OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS, AND THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE ADOPTION AND RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

It was early discovered by the patriots and statesmen of the Revolution, that a bond of union, to connect the powers and means of the colonies for the common defence, was a measure of absolute necessity; and hence the assemblage of a number of delegates, chosen and appointed by the several colonies and provinces in North America, to meet and hold a Congress in Philadelphia, at the Carpenter's Hall, on Monday, the 5th September, 1774. This Congress continued to act under the powers separately conferred upon the delegates by the respective colonies, until the time arrived when, from their patriotic ardor, the delicacy of their position, and the force of circumstances, a total separation from the mother country became necessary, and they were obliged to assume a noble stand among the nations of the earth. Simultaneously with and consequent upon the Declaration of Independence, a provision for an

adequate national government became so manifestly indispensable, that, on the 11th June, 1776, it was resolved that a committee be appointed to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between the colonies. After due deliberation, the Articles of Confederation were agreed to, in Congress, on 15th November, 1777, subject to the ratification of the several States. The ratification by eight States was announced on the 9th July, 1778; but many objections were urged to these articles, and so reluctantly did some of the States part with a portion of their powers, that it was not until the 1st March, 1781, that these articles were fully ratified; and no sooner were they ratified than (indeed before their final ratification) it was found that the powers conferred by them upon Congress were totally inadequate to the indispensable purposes of a national government. The defects first became apparent in the want of the necessary means of raising a revenue, and next in the absence of power to regulate or control the foreign trade and commerce of the country; and on the 3d February, 1781, a member from New Jersey moved a recommendation to the States that Congress be vested with additional powers to provide means for paying the public debt, and prosecuting the existing war, by laying duties on imports and prize goods. One of the States having refused to comply with this recominendation, the subject was referred to a committee, by whom the following report was made:

1. IN THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1782.

The committee, consisting of Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Fitzsimmons, to whom was referred the letter of 30th November, from the honorable William Bradford, speaker of the lower house of Assembly of the State of Rhode Island, containing, under three heads, the reasons of that State for refusing their compliance with the recommendation of Congress for a duty on imports and prize goods; report,

That they flatter themselves the State, on a reconsideration of the objections they have offered, with a candid attention to the arguments which stand in opposition to them, will be induced to retract their dissent, convinced that the measure is supported on the most solid grounds of equal justice, policy, and general utility. The following observations, contrasted with each head of the objections, successively, will furnish a satisfactory answer to the whole.

First objection. "That the proposed duty would be unequal in its operation, bearing hardest upon the most commercial States, and so