the Constitution had been framed; it had contributed three representatives to the Convention-Mr. Deakin, Mr. Peacock, and Dr. Quick. And finally, at a critical juncture, on the eve of the adoption of the Constitution by the Melbourne Convention, when the Age advocated the Fabian policy of caution and delay, and when the Turner Ministry, or at least some members of it, seemed to hesitate, the Association at its annual conference held at Bendigo, stimulated by the inspiring eloquence of Mr. A. Deakin and Mr. J. L. Purves, announced its support of the Bill with a declaration of triumphant enthusiasm that left no doubt as to the result.

Another reason for the comparative weakness of the opposition in Victoria was that the financial obstacles were less than in New South Wales. New South Wales, in the matter of customs taxation, occupied a position at the extreme end of the group; Victoria was near the middle. It was apparent that a tariff of approximately the productiveness of the Victorian tariff would fairly meet the needs of the Commonwealth; and though that productiveness might be attained by a moderate revenue tariff as well as by the existing protective tariff of Victoria, the fears of producers that their protection might be reduced affected few pockets as compared with the fears of tax-payers in New South Wales that their taxation would be increased.

There was, nevertheless, a substantial Anti-Bill party in Victoria, led by Mr. Higgins-the only one of the ten Victorian representatives who did not support the Bill. His objections were almost wholly from a constitutional standpoint, and were directed against equal representation in the Senate, and against the restrictions upon the amendment of the Constitution. He was supported by a section of the labour party, which was however hopelessly divided-seeing that Mr. Trenwith, the ablest and most influential of the party's leaders, was warmly advocating the Bill. These were the most effective criticisms used against the Bill in the metropolitan centres; but in the country districts the chief concern was over the abolition of the stock tax, which would have to go when intercolonial freetrade began. The farmers had an unbounded belief in the extra value added to their land and stock by this tax; and Mr. Allan McLean, its chief apostle, conducted a vigorous campaign against the Bill.

There was some dissatisfaction in Victoria with the "railway rate" clauses, which the Premier and Attorney-General of Victoriain spite of the precisely opposite fears expressed in New South Wales -feared would unfairly hamper Victorian competition for the Riverina trade, whilst leaving New South Wales free to do as she liked, under the pretext of developing her territory and making her railways pay. However, after a report from Mr. Mathieson, the Commissioner for Railways, which went to show that the revenue loss, on the most unfavourable interpretation of the Bill, would not be considerable, the Victorian Ministry announced their unanimous support of the Bill.

A few vested interests felt some mild alarm about bounties and protective duties. The clause prohibiting the granting of bounties. by the States, except with the consent of the Federal Parliament,

had in New South Wales been thought to hide a cunning conspiracy to enable its provisions to be evaded, and Victorian bounties to be perpetuated; in Victoria it was complained of as a death-blow to the few bounty-assisted' industries in existence. Nor did the Victorian. Anti-Billites share the confidence of their brethren across the Murray that the federal tariff must inevitably be protective; and they would fain have seen some guarantee against the predominance of freetrade views in the Commonwealth.

All these arguments were overwhelmingly answered by the federalists, who, strong in numbers, in debating ability, and in enthusiasm, swept the country with an unbroken series of campaigning triumphs. Victoria as a whole had confidence in the Convention, and confidence also in the ability of the Australian people to work out their own destiny under a free Constitution. The federal compromises were accepted as necessary conditions of union, and the fears of the Anti-Billites were outweighed by the obvious commercial advantages of Federation, and by the strong sentiment in favour of national institutions. The Victorian newspapers almost unanimously supported the Bill. The Argus, the Australasian, and the Evening Herald in the metropolis, and the Bendigo Advertiser, the Bendigo Independent, the Bendigo Evening Mail, the Ballarat Courier, the Ballarat Star, the Geelong Advertiser, the. Geelong Times, the Gippsland Times, and other country journals gave the Bill powerful advocacy. The Age and the Leader were not opposed to federation, but anxious to promote the improvement of the Bill. Although doubtful and critical at first, the Age eventually, in consideration of the many democratic features of the Constitution rendering it more liberal even than the Constitution of Victoria, recommended its acceptance with the hope of securing its reform at later stage.

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.-In South Australia all the federal representatives united in an appeal to the electors to vote for the Bill. The chief difficulties that had to be met were the fears that the cost would be excessive, and that the rights and interests of the less populous States would be unduly subordinated to the mass vote of the majority. But the argument of the advantages of union, and especially the benefits arising from intercolonial freetrade, prevailed; and the issue was never really in doubt.

TASMANIA.-In Tasmania there was widespread dissatisfaction, at the outset, with the provisions limiting the powers of the Senate, which were thought to endanger the interests of the smaller States; and it was also feared that, notwithstanding the Braddon clause, there were not sufficient " guarantees" that the surplus returned to Tasmania would enable her to meet her provincial obligations. However, the federal representatives threw themselves courageously into the fight, and their efforts were rewarded with complete success.

THE VOTE OF THE PEOPLE.-The result of the voting in the four colonies for and against the draft Constitution was as follows:

There was thus a majority for the Bill in each of the four colonies. In Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania, the majorities were decisive; but in New South Wales not only was the majority a slender one, but the total affirmative vote fell short by 8,405 of the 80,000 minimum required by the Federation Enabling Act Amendment Act of 1897. In New South Wales, therefore, under the provisions of the Act, the barely victorious Bill was "deemed to be rejected"-the prescribed effect of which was to be that in New South Wales "no further action shall be taken pursuant to this Act." In other words, the whole statutory process, so far as New South Wales was concerned, was at an end.

(15) EVENTS IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

THE TASK RESUMED.-Had the federalists in New South Wales been in an actual minority, the discouragement would have been serious; but their majority, slender as it was, spurred them to fresh exertions. On the evening of 3rd June, an accidental duplication of some of the telegraphic returns had caused the coveted 80,000 to be posted at the Sydney Morning Herald office, and for a few minutes federalists were congratulating themselves on having won the battle. In the first disappointment of the awakening, some brave words were said about repealing the Act requiring an 80,000 minimum; but calmer judgment showed the unwisdom of "cramming the Bill down the throats" of a minority, many of whom were rather fearful than hostile. It was clear that some effort must be made to secure amendments which would dispel the fears of opponents, and diminish the opposition; but Mr. Barton and his following wisely held their hands until Mr. Reid, as Premier of the colony, should open negotiations.

This Mr. Reid promptly did. The day after the referendum he telegraphed to the other Premiers inviting them to a Conference with a view of amending the Bill to meet the wishes of New South Wales, and suggesting that the amendments, when agreed upon, should be transmitted with the draft Constitution to the Imperial Government. The Premiers did not receive this suggestion with favour. Their own colonies had given overwhelming majorities for the Bill, and they resented the idea that, at the instance of a minority in New South Wales, they should be asked to reopen the questionespecially as New South Wales was on the eve of a general

election, and it remained to be seen whether that colony could not yet be brought into line. The Premiers of South Australia, Western Australia, and Tasmania, refused point blank to confer; whilst Sir George Turner, in Victoria, replied diplomatically that it would be well for Mr. Reid to intimate what amendments he desired. Mr. T. J. Byrnes, the Premier of Queensland, whom Mr. Reid had also consulted, expressed his willingness to confer; but the attitude of the other Premiers made it clear that nothing could be done till after the New South Wales elections.

The expiring Parliament met on 21st June, and the Governor's speech disclosed Mr. Reid's federal programme. After reciting the result of the Referendum, and the de jure rejection of the draft Constitution, the speech proceeded :

"The Government are not prepared, however, to abandon their efforts to arrive at a satisfactory removal of those features of the Bill which have prevented the people of this country from voting more largely in its favour, and which have caused so many thousands of the electors to vote against it.

"My advisers are, therefore, anxiously engaged upon the preparation of proposals to modify the Convention Bill in certain respects. These will shortly be submitted in clear and definite terms to the electors of New South Wales.

"They will include:

1. An objection to the principle of equal representation in the Senate, which, if not altered, must be accompanied by the removal of the stipulation requiring that a majority vote at a joint sitting of both Houses, to be effective, shall consist of three-fifths of the members present; or, failing that, the principle should be qualified by a provision for a national referendum instead of a joint sitting.

2. Some of the financial provisions to be recast, and the Braddon clause omitted altogether.

3. Money bills not to be amended by the Senate.

4. The same protection for the territorial rights of each State, as there is for the representation of each State in the federal Parliament, and this should include more definite provisions with regard to inland rivers.

5. Seat of Government-instead of the proposal in the Bill, adoption, in a slightly modified form, of the plan followed in the Canadian Constitution.

6. It is also considered that the appellate jurisdiction should be remodelled."

The bulk of the session, which only lasted three weeks, was taken up, in both Houses, with the Address-in-Reply. The main attack upon the Government programme came from Mr. Barton and Mr. O'Connor in the Legislative Council. They objected strongly to the demands of New South Wales being stated in the form of an ultimatum before conference, and maintained that the Government. ought to go untrammelled into conference, and negotiate for the best terms possible. Moreover, they challenged Mr. Reid's good faith in the matter, and especially pointed to the fact that Mr. Want-who

had left the Ministry to lead the opposition to the Bill, and whose criticisms had a decidedly anti-federal complexion-had since the Referendum been readmitted to the Ministry. As regards amendment in the draft Constitution, they took this position. They believed that the Bill was a good and a fair one, and had heartily recommended it for acceptance. With some of the provisions they had never been fully in accord, but they had loyally accepted the whole as the best compromise available. It now appeared that a large minority of the people were dissatisfied; and they recognized not only that an effort must be made to secure amendments which would meet the chief objections made, but also that the result of the vote-showing as it did that unless some amendments were made it would be difficult to secure the adherence of New South Wales-made concessions possible which previously would have been impossible. Mr. Barton therefore approved of asking for reconsideration of the Bill with a view to three amendments-the removal of the three-fifths majority at the joint sitting, the omission of the Braddon clause, and the location of the capital in New South Wales.

THE GENERAL ELECTION.-Parliament was dissolved on 8th July, and the campaign began at once. Mr. Reid and the Ministerialists took the field as the "Liberal Federal Party," whilst Mr. Barton led the Opposition on behalf of the "National Federal Party." Federation thus became, for the first time, a question of party politics; and curiously enough, both parties seemed to be fighting for substantially the same thing-the draft Constitution, with a few amendments. The amendments foreshadowed by Mr. Barton were indeed only three, as against Mr. Reid's seven; but that was not the real distinction between the parties. The real difference was of a twofold kind, involving a question of federal attitude, and a question of leadership. In the first place, Mr. Reid and his following were definitely hostile to the Bill as it stood, and demanded substantial amendments as a condition of its acceptance. Mr. Barton and his following had been, and still were, ready to accept the Bill as it stood; but urged amendments with the double view of making it a still better Bill and of conciliating opposition. Consequent upon this difference of attitude, the Reid party urged that Mr. Reid stood for the interests of New South Wales, and Mr. Barton for those of the other colonies-that Mr. Reid's demands would meet acceptance, whilst Mr. Barton's " tiations" meant surrender. The Barton party replied that no agreement could be reached by a policy of dictating terms; that Mr. Barton, as a persona grata to the other colonies and the trusted leader of the federalists, would be able to make better terms than Mr. Reid; and that the interests of New South Wales, as well as those of Australia, would be safe in his hands.

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The main issue, however, was mixed up in every electorate, not only with the personal claims of the candidates, but with the old lines of party cleavage. The "fiscal issue" was indeed supposed to be sunk; but the fact that in the Ministerial party freetraders preponderated, and in the Opposition party protectionists, showed that the allegiance of many candidates was influenced by the old party ties. The same thing undoubtedly held true of the electors, and stood in the way of a "straight out a "straight out " issue on the federal programme.