Сн. ІІІ]

MCCLELLAN'S DEMORALIZATION

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his own until dark and three hours later his confidence was only a little shaken; but by midnight he had reached a state of demoralization, which revealed itself in his famous Savage Station despatch to the Secretary of War. "I now know the full history of the day," he wrote. "On this side of the river (the right bank) we repulsed several strong attacks. On the left bank our men did all that men could do, all that soldiers could accomplish but they were overwhelmed by vastly superior numbers, even after I brought my last reserves into action. The loss on both sides is terrible. . . . The sad remnants of my men behave as men. this battle because my force was too small. earnestly to-night. I have seen too many dead and wounded comrades to feel otherwise than that the government has not sustained this army. If you do not do so now the game is lost. If I save this army now, I tell you plainly that I owe no thanks to you or to any other persons in Washington. You have done your best to sacrifice this army."

I have lost

I feel too

The news was a terrible blow to the President. His finely equipped army costing such a tale of treasure and labor, had gone forth with high hope of conquest and bearing, so it seemed, the fate of the Union, on its shoulders; now it was defeated and in serious danger of destruction or capture. This calamity the head of the nation must face, and he failed not. Overlooking the spirit of insubordination in his general's despatch, he sent him a reply as wise as it was gentle. With equal forbearance and circumspection he offered the most charitable explanation possible of the disaster. "Save your army at all events," he wrote. "Will send reinforcements as fast as we can. I feel any misfortune to you and your army quite as keenly as you feel it yourself. If you have had a drawn battle or a repulse, it is the price we pay for the enemy not being in Washington. We protected

140

MCCLELLAN AND LEE

[1862

Washington and the enemy concentrated on you. Had we stripped Washington he would have been upon us before the troops could have gotten to you. It is the nature of the case and neither you nor the government are to blame." 1 As the battle of Gaines's Mill ended the offensive attitude of the Army of the Potomac, some general considerations will here be in place. Nearly all writers agree that McClellan should have strongly reënforced Porter, who in that event could have held his own until night when he could have made an orderly retreat; he might even have won the battle. If McClellan had known of Lee's division of the Confederate force, he would of course have followed the plan of the military critics. Nevertheless there is no doubt that his judgment was bad on the basis of such information as he possessed; this may be affirmed after conceding that by no possible means could he have gained the correct knowledge of the enemy which Lee had of the Union forces. "If I were mindful only of my own glory," wrote Frederick the Great, "I would choose always to make war in my own country, for there every man is a spy and the enemy can make no movement of which I am not informed.” 2 This advantage was Lee's; but in addition he understood McClellan. Only in dealing with a timid commander would he have so divided his force. When Lee was planning the campaign Davis said, “If McClellan is the man I take him for . as soon as he finds that the bulk of our army is on the north side of the Chickahominy, he will not stop to try conclusions with it there but will immediately move upon his objective point, the city of Richmond." Lee replied, "If you will hold him as long as you can at the intrenchment and then fall back on the detached works around the city I will be upon the enemy's heels before he gets 1 IV, 43, 44 with authorities cited. 2 Lieut.-Col. Henderson, I, 497.

LEE AND JACKSON

141

CH. III] there." 1 No doubt Lee would have been as good as his word, but McClellan neither reënforced Porter properly, nor did he take advantage of his general's gallant fight to advance on Richmond. The despatches between McClellan and his officers on the south side of the river during the day of the battle show that they were paralyzed, so far as an offensive movement was concerned, by vigorous demonstrations of the troops guarding the Confederate capital. Some writers have thought that while Porter was engaged with the larger Confederate force, McClellan could easily have gone into Richmond; but as Lee's entire army was now fully equal in number to McClellan's, it is difficult to regard such a movement as other than extremely hazardous. The reënforcement of Porter was more prudent; moreover, to take toll from the Army of Northern Virginia, was, as Lincoln perceived, quite as effective offensive work as the capture of Richmond.

No speculation is necessary to explain why the Confederates were successful. Their victory was due to the greater ability of Lee and Jackson. Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, in his enthusiasm over Jackson's Valley campaign, wrote, The brains of Lee and Jackson did more for the Confederacy than 200,000 soldiers for the Union.2 Although this remark need not be taken literally, the germ of the truth is in it. They greatly excelled their adversary both in strategy and tactics. McClellan was never on the battle-field, not through a lack of physical courage, since, in making reconnaissances, he was cool under fire, but because he could not endure the sight of blood. "Jackson," wrote Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, rode "along the line of battle with as much composure as if the hail of bullets was no more than summer rain." 3 Lee loved the fight and yearned to be in it. His own son, as well 2 Lieut.-Col. Henderson, I, 502.

i IV, 36.

3 Ibid., 539.

CH. III]

BATTLE OF GAINES'S MILL

137

ance and were driven back. At two o'clock in the afternoon, Porter called for reënforcements and McClellan, who did not visit the field of battle that day but remained at the headquarters on the south side of the Chickahominy, sent a division of 9000 men to his support. "Cool and collected as on parade,' ," his tactics seemingly without defect even in the heat of the contest, Fitz-John Porter was everywhere inciting his officers and men to supreme efforts; he succeeded in repelling the assaults of nearly double his numbers, directed by the genius of Lee and Stonewall Jackson and led by the courage and determination of the Hills and Longstreet. Higher praise no general can receive than that which Lee and Jackson unconsciously gave Porter in their reports. "The principal part of the Federal army was now on the north side of the Chickahominy," wrote Lee; both speak of the "superior force of the enemy.' All accounts agree as to the discipline and bravery of the soldiers of both armies. The impetuous attack of the Confederates may be described in the words that Jackson used of one of his regiments as an "almost matchless display of daring and valor"; he well characterized the defence as "stubborn resistance" and "sullen obstinacy." George G. Meade and John F. Reynolds, commanders of brigades, made their mark that day.

From Lee's statement, "the principal part of the Federal army was now on the north side of the Chickahominy," the inference is clear that, had he been in McClellan's place, he would have had it there. McClellan's error was due to his overestimate of the Confederate force. Relying upon the report of the Chief of the Secret Service corps, he believed it

1 Francis A. Walker, 62.

20. R., XI, Pt. II, 492, 556. Jackson said "superior numbers." See also Chesnut, 197.