CH. X] MEN WANTED 331 were easily made, most transactions were for cash, and nearly everyone engaged in trade or manufactures seemed to be getting rich. There must have been still considerable financial strength in reserve and, as the value of property depended largely on a stable government, ample funds for its maintenance would have been forthcoming in a supreme crisis. Even now, an element of confidence was to be seen in the large and constant purchases of our bonds by the Germans. 1 But the question of men was of far greater seriousness. In spite of the large immigration, labor was scarce and, in spite of the high cost of living, seemed to be well paid. The class of men who enlisted in 1861 and 1862 no longer came forward; the ranks were filled by mercenaries, part of whom were obtained from the steady influx of European immigrants and from robust sons of Canada, who contracted their service for a stipulated sum. Notwithstanding these sources of supply, able-bodied men in sufficient number were difficult to obtain. Many of the veterans, men of all ranks in Sherman's army, the officers generally in all the armies; the militia from the Western States, originally organized as home guards, and now taking part in the defence of Washington, were from the best classes of their several communities; and sorrow now hanging over nearly every household from the casualties among these contingents, augmented the discouragement and gloom.2 Nor did Sherman's operations lift the country out of its despondency. Successful though they were, they lacked a striking character, and while steadily making for the destruction of Johnston's army and the capture of Atlanta, had as yet accomplished neither of these objects. On July 1 The conditions of the narrative obliged me to state this previously. 2 O. R., XXXVII; IV. 332 JOHNSTON - HOOD- MCPHERSON [1864 17, Sherman crossed the Chattahoochee river and began his movement directly against Atlanta. On the same day, Jefferson Davis materially assisted him by relieving Johnston from the command for the reason, in the words of the order, that "you have failed to arrest the advance of the enemy to the vicinity of Atlanta. and express no con fidence that you can defeat or repel him. So masterly had been Johnston's strategy in retreat that his displacement was thoroughly relished by Sherman and by his officers and men. J. B. Hood, the new commander, had been personally known at West Point by McPherson, Schofield and Howard, and these three, together with Sherman, accurately took his measure, deciding that "the change meant fight." 2 The logic of Johnston's removal was indeed that the Confederates must take the offensive, and Hood lost no time in carrying Davis's purpose into effect. Thrice he attacked and brought on a battle; thrice he was repulsed with severe loss. The chief feature of the second battle, that of Atlanta, which was fought within two and one-half miles of the city, was a vigorous and skilful Confederate attack which struck a portion of the Union line in the rear and would have caused a panic among any but sturdy veterans; but the soldiers of the Army of the Tennessee leaped over their breastworks and fought from the reverse side. McPherson, however, their commander, was killed. He had just left Sherman to investigate the unexplained firing in the rear and to make the necessary dispositions to meet it; he had already given a number of orders, when he rode into a wood and encountered there a line of Confederate skirmishers. By these he was summoned to surrender, but he wheeled his horse and tried to ride off: there was a volley of musketry and one of the noblest soldiers of the 1 Johnston, 349. 2 W. Sherman, II, 72. CH. X] YEARNING FOR PEACE 333 war fell dead. His sudden loss, telegraphed Sherman, was a heavy blow to me." 1 This misfortune, together with the Confederate claims of victory, undoubtedly accounted in some measure for the lack of comprehension of what had really been gained during the month of July ; at all events a general impression seemed to prevail that Sherman had been checked before Atlanta. In point of fact Hood's army had been crippled and, after the third battle, he did not again attack Sherman for more than a month. The general apathy and discouragement took form in certain quarters of a yearning for peace. "The_mercantile classes are longing for it," wrote Lowell. During July Horace Greeley thought that negotiations for peace should be opened and, commissioned by the President, made an effort in that direction. Lincoln was willing to make peace on the basis of "the restoration of the Union and abandonment of slavery." Two self-constituted envoys, hoping to stop the war, went on an irregular mission to Richmond and had an interview with Jefferson Davis. Both of these attempts were barren of result.2 Though the military situation was already sufficiently depressing, the North had not yet come to the end of its misfortunes. A promising attempt to capture Petersburg through blowing up a portion of the Confederate works, by a huge mine charged with powder, failed through the inefficiency of a corps commander and the incompetence and cowardice of a division general, who were unequal to their opportunity after the mine had properly done its work. The casualties were great, the blundering was indisputable. This affair intensified the dejection in the Army of the Potomac and in the country at large. "I feel rather down in 10. R., XXXVIII, Pt. 5, 240. 2 IV, 513-516. 334 DISSATISFACTION WITH LINCOLN [1864 the mouth," wrote Lowell to Norton on August 1. "The war and its constant expectation and anxiety oppress me. I cannot think.” 1 Another manifestation of the general despondency was seen in the growing dissatisfaction with Lincoln. "I beg you, implore you, wrote Greeley to Lincoln on August 9, "to inaugurate or invite proposals for peace forthwith. And in case peace cannot now be made consent to an armistice for one year." In this private letter Greeley expressed the thoughts of very many men. Nine days later he wrote: "Lincoln is already beaten. He cannot be elected. And we must have another ticket to save us from utter overthrow." Influential men of affairs in New York, Boston and the West were earnest in their belief that Lincoln should withdraw and make way for another candidate. This belief infected the Republican National Executive Committee, whose chairman, Henry J. Raymond, wrote to the President on August 22: "The tide is setting strongly against us Nothing but the most resolute and decided action on the part of the Government and its friends can save the country from falling into hostile hands. This great reaction in public sentiment" was due "to the want of military successes" and to the impression that Lincoln would not make peace save on the condition of the abandonment of slavery. So perturbed were the Committee that they went to Washington to plead with him. In a private letter of August 25 to Hay, Nicolay gave an account of their visit: "The New York politicians have got a stampede on that is about to swamp everything. Raymond and the National Committee are here to-day. R. thinks a commission to Richmond is about the only salt to save us; while the Tycoon [Lincoln] sees and says it 1 Lowell, I, 339. CH. X] PUBLIC SENTIMENT 335 would be utter ruination. The matter is now undergoing consultation. Weak-kneed fools . . . are in the movement for a new candidate to supplant the Tycoon. Everything is darkness and doubt and discouragement." 1 Lincoln himself thought it "exceedingly probable" that he would not be reëlected, but he signified no intention of withdrawing and intimated that he would modify his policy in but one direction. He would undoubtedly have made peace on the basis of "reunion, saying nothing about slavery," for he was convinced that slavery could never exist in the same form as before the War and that gradual emancipation was certain.3 Hay, on a visit to the West, had found some cheer, and in a private letter to Nicolay from Illinois set down the following accurate estimate of public sentiment in that region: "There is throughout the country, I mean the rural districts, a good healthy Union feeling and an intention to succeed in the military and the political contests; but everywhere in the towns the copperheads are exultant and our own people either growling and despondent or sneakingly apologetic." 5 Nicolay showed penetration when he wrote, "Our men see giants in the airy and unsubstantial shadows of the opposition and are about to surrender without a fight." As the Democrats had nominated no candidate there was in fact nothing to contend against. "We are waiting with the greatest interest," Hay wrote, "for the hatching of the big peace snake at Chicago."7 Hay referred to the approaching Democratic convention which, when it met, nominated McClellan for President and adopted a resolution 3 IV, 513-522. 1 Nicolay, 306. 4 A popular name for the Democrats, see IV, 224. 6 Nicolay, 306. 2 Aug. 23. |