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had brought some food with her, and she bought some more from the hillmen's huts. Thus we had strength to make our way to one of the peaks of Bhimashankar, from which one can look down many hundred feet into the Konkan. There we made ourselves a little hut and lived together as happily as ever Rama and Sita did on the banks of the Godavari. One day, however, the Brahman girl, on going to a neighbouring village, heard that the subinspector was still searching for us, and that in a day or two he and his sepoys would beat all the jungles on Bhimashankar. I knew then that if we stayed we should be taken, and I also knew that that rakshas (devil) of a sub-inspector would surely hand me over to the villagers of Khed to bury alive. Istormed and oursed myself for ever having left Atibaleshwar; and at last I told the Brahman girl that she must leave me and return to her husband. But truly, Sahib, I had no inkling of what was to follow. I, indeed, thought only how to save myself. She threw herself at my feet and cried and implored me not to leave her, promising me that she would save me, as she had saved me before. But when fear has hold of a man, he will not listen to reason. Losing all patience, I pushed her violently from me and went to perform my evening sandhyas (prayers); for at all times, Sahib, I have strictly observed the rites of our religion. Seeing that I would not yield, she rose to her feet and, salaaming, said bitterly, 'Farewell, then,

even

Maharaj. It has truly been said that a Sudra can never become & Brahman, though he bathe in the Ganges.' Then pulling her sari (mantle) forward over her head, she ran to the edge of the cliff and sprang off it into space. For some minutes I was too shocked to do anything, then I crept to the mountain's edge and looked over. At first I saw nothing; then I made out ever so far below me a red spot, which I knew to be the Brahman woman's clothes. I would have fled from the place at once, but it was growing dark and I had heard of a maneating panther in the forest. So I stayed the night in my hut, covering my head carefully with my sheet; for I feared that the bodiless spirit of the Brahman girl might enter my mouth as I slept, and possessing me, bring me to ruin. Next morning I rose and, after performing my sandhyas, crept again to the edge of the cliff and saw the red spot untouched. The jackals had not found her in the night. But as I looked, I became aware of a black speck in the sky, and then another and then another. I knew then that the vultures had seen her body, and that before evening they would have eaten it. I went back to my hut, and, picking up my small belongings, ran as fast as I could from the accursed place. By great good fortune I escaped the toils laid for me by the sub-inspector, and I made my way northwards to Nasik. There I met a Brahman priest, who fed and eared

for me like a father; and when he died of cholera, as he did two or three months later, he left me all his small savings. After mourning for him and burning his body and throwing his bones into the Godavari, I came here to worship the Lord Krishna,"

"You were fortunate," I said, "in finding so kindly a priest. But I was at Nasik at the time, and I heard evil men say-for there are evil men even in so holy a place as Nasik-that the old priest did not die of cholera, but because he ate arsenic by mistake."

In sheer malice I had drawn a bow at a venture. It certainly seemed as if my random shaft hit the mark. All the good humour left the anchorite's face. He sprang to his

feet, seized his iron-shod staff, and for a moment I thought he would have struck me with it. "Nay, Bhatji," I spoke soothingly to him, "be not angry. I did but jest." But he was not to be cajoled. The pleasant garrulity had gone not to return. Just then he spied another likely boatload of pilgrims orossing the Bhima. He picked up his begging bowl, threw away his cigar-end, and growling under his breath, "Aanakhi gappa marayala mala kahi vel nahi" (I have no more time to waste gossiping here), he strode off towards his predestined prey. A minute or two later I heard his voice raised as before, half threatening, half whining

"Alms, alms! In the name of God, give me alms!"

BEFORE THE UNION: GRATTAN'S PARLIAMENT.

BY J. A. STRAHAN.

The Irish Parliament was the mere phantom of a living Parliament. Collectively, it had no control over the administration of the country, though individually its members, as local magistrates and grand jurors, had a great deal too much. The Parliament of Great Britain was entitled, under the Declaratory Act, to legislate for Ireland without its consent; and it, by Poynings Act, was not entitled to do so without the consent of the English Privy Council. It did not wield the power of the purse, since the hereditary revenues of the Crown were more, and, if they had been honestly collected, much more than enough to provide for all the needs of the Government. The Judges did not hold their seats at its will, but at the will of the Crown; and the Army was not subject to its Mutiny Act, but to the Mutiny Act of the British Parliament.

BEFORE the rise of Grattan's so busy draining the rest of Parliament the administration the country." of Ireland was controlled from England. Owing to the frequent absence of the Lord Lieutenant, usually it was in the hands of the Lords Justices, who commonly were the Archbishop of Armagh, the Lord Chancellor, and the Speaker of the House of Commons, who ran it largely for their own benefit. The English authorities intervened chiefly to make raids for their followers on the Irish treasury, or to fill up Irish appointments with English derelicts. Many of the Judges were Englishmen whose chief qualifications for the seat of justice were their families or their follies: it was a Bar saying about one of them that he was of so kindly a disposition that he never passed sentence on a prisoner without "a drop in his eye." Many of the Bishops were Englishmen who by character or intelleot were better fitted for bagnios or Bedlam than bishoprios. As for the Lord Lieutenants, what the public thought of them may be gathered from Sir Hercules Langrishe's reply to one who asked why his predecessors had never drained a swamp in Phoenix Park: "Well, ye see," replied Sir Heroules, "they hadn't time; they were

Probably, however, it possessed just as much authority as its constitution entitled it to claim. The House of Lords was dominated by the Bishops, all, of course, nominees of the Crown. The House of Commons consisted of three hundred members, all supposed to be elected by the people. At

the utmost stretch not more
than eighty of them could be
said to be so elected: that
is, the sixty-four members
representing the thirty-two
counties, the fourteen repre-
senting the seven cities, and
the two representing the Uni-
hundred
versity. The two
and twenty remaining were
returned by one hundred and
ten small boroughs, twenty-five
of which contained less than
Grattan,
ten electors each.1
when he turned reformer, de-
olared truthfully enough that
two-thirds of the representa-
tion in the country was private
property, and treated as such
by the owners of the land on
which the boroughs were situ-
ate. It was openly and freely
sold when the owner had no
relative or friend whom he
wished to nominate.

Nevertheless there were two
parties in this phantom Par-
liament-the Government and
The Patriot
the Patriot.
party no doubt objected to
many laws and proceedings
which harassed the Protestant
no-
interest in the country:
body, of course, ever thought
of the Catholics, who were
the vast bulk of the nation.
They objected to the trammels
imposed on trade, the perver-
for
sion of Irish
English pensions, and above
all, to the most profitable
places in Ireland being filled
from England. But still, for
practical purposes, the chief

revenue

difference between the parties
was this, that the Government
party were the party who had
the jobs and the Patriot party
were the party that wanted
When a Patriot got
them.
a job he changed his party.
That is what their brilliant
leader, Henry Flood, did.

But it mattered little what
the objects of the Patriot party
were: they could accomplish
behind them-
nothing. They had nothing
whatever
neither the support of physical
force nor that of popular epin-
ion. All of a sudden a change
foreseen by none gave them
both,

The American Colonies were in revolt against English rule, and France had come to the aid of the Colonists—a suicidal policy on the part of the French monarchy, much like the recent policy of the Russian autocracy in joining the free English and French in the overthrow of the fellow-autoshe was, oraoy in Germany. England, sorely pressed as withdrew all her soldiers from Ireland for service in the war. Then, to the consternation of the Government, Paul Jones appeared in Belfast Lough, sank the solitary guardship there, and threatened to raid Belfast. As the Government could not protect them, the Ulstermen, as their custom is, resolved to protect themselves. Thus originated the first Ulster Volunteers.

The Scottish were the first

1 Even boroughs of reasonable size had no real share in electing their members. Belfast's M. P.'s, when there were 15,000 inhabitants in the borough, were elected by twelve persons under the direction of the Marquis of Donegall.

BEFORE THE UNION: GRATTAN'S PARLIAMENT.

BY J. A. STRAHAN.

The Irish Parliament was the mere phantom of a living Parliament. Collectively, it had no control over the administration of the country, though individually its members, as local magistrates and grand jurors, had a great deal too much. The Parliament of Great Britain was entitled, under the Declaratory Act, to legislate for Ireland without its consent; and it, by Poynings Act, was not entitled to do so without the consent of the English Privy Council. It did not wield the power of the purse, since the hereditary revenues of the Crown were more, and, if they had been honestly collected, much more than enough to provide for all the needs of the Government. The Judges did not hold their seats at its will, but at the will of the Crown; and the Army was not subject to its Mutiny Act, but to the Mutiny Act of the British Parliament.

BEFORE the rise of Grattan's so busy draining the rest of Parliament the administration the country." of Ireland was controlled from England. Owing to the frequent absence of the Lord Lieutenant, usually it was in the hands of the Lords Justices, who commonly were the Archbishop of Armagh, the Lord Chancellor, and the Speaker of the House of Commons, who ran it largely for their own benefit. The English authorities intervened chiefly to make raids for their followers on the Irish treasury, or to fill up Irish appointments with English derelicts. Many of the Judges were Englishmen whose chief qualifications for the seat of justice were their families or their follies: it was a Bar saying about one of them that he was of so kindly a disposition that he never passed sentence on a prisoner without "a drop in his eye." Many of the Bishops were Englishmen who by character or intelleot were better fitted for bagnios or Bedlam than bishoprios. As for the Lord Lieutenants, what the public thought of them may be gathered from Sir Hercules Langrishe's reply to one who asked why his predecessors had never drained a swamp in Phoenix Park: "Well, ye see," replied Sir Hercules, "they hadn't time; they were

Probably, however, it possessed just as much authority as its constitution entitled it to claim. The House of Lords was dominated by the Bishops, all, of course, nominees of the Crown. The House of Commons consisted of three hundred members, all supposed to be elected by the people. At

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