whole, or with any part of the colonies, and for setting aside all former laws to the contrary.

Sir Guy Carleton, who was lately appointed to the command of the royal army, in North America, was instructed to use his endeavours, for carrying into effect the wishes of Great Britain, for an accommodation with the Americans. He despatched a letter to general Washington, informing him of the late proceedings of parliament, and of the dispositions so favourable to America, which were prevalent in Great Britain; and, at the same time, solicited a passport for his secretary, Mr. Morgan, to pay a visit to congress. His request was refused. The application for it, and its concomitant circumstances, were considered as introductory, to a scheme, for opening negociations with congress or the states, without the concurrence of their allies. This caused no small alarm, and gave rise to sundry resolutions, by which, several states declared, that a proposition from the enemy to all or any of the United States, for peace or truce, separate from their allies, was inadmissible. Congress not long afterwards resolved, "that they would not enter into the discussion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most Christian majesty; and as a proof of this, they recommended to the several states to pass laws, that no subject of his Britannic majesty, coming directly or indirectly from any part of the British dominions, be admitted into any of the United States, during the war." This decisive conduct extinguished all hopes that Great Britain might have entertained, of making a separate peace with America. Two of the first sovereigns of Europe, the empress of Russia, and the emperor of Germany, were the mediators, in accomplishing the great work of peace. Such was the state of the contending parties, that the intercession of powerful mediators was no longer necessary. The disposition of Great Britain, to recognize the independence of the United States, had removed the principal difficulty, which had hitherto obstructed a general pacification. It would be curious to trace the successive steps, by which the nation was brought to this measure, so irreconcilable to their former declarations. Various auxiliary causes might be called in, to account for

this great change of the public mind of Great Britain: but the sum of the whole must be resolved into this simple proposition," that it was unavoidable." A state of perpetual war was inconsistent with the interest of a commercial nation. Even the longer continuance of hostilities was forbidden, by every principal of wise policy.

The avowed object of the alliance between France and America, and the steady adherence of both parties to enter into no negociations without the concurrence of each other, reduced Great Britain to the alternative of continuing a hopeless, unproductive war, or of negociating under the idea of recognizing American independence. This great change of the public mind in Great Britain, favourable to American independence, took place between November, 1781, and March 1782. In that interval, Mr. Laurens was released from his confinement in the tower. Before and after his release, he had frequent opportunities of demonstrating, to persons in power, that from his personal knowledge of the sentiments of congress, and of their instructions to their ministers, every hope of peace, without the acknowledgement of independence, was illusory. Seven years experience had proved to the nation, that the conquest of the American states was impracticable. They now received equal conviction, that the recognition of their independence was an indispensable preliminary to the termination of a war, from the continuance of which, neither profit nor honour was to be acquired. The pride of Great Britain for a long time resisted; but that usurping passion was obliged to yield to the superior influence of interest. The feelings of the great body of the people were no longer to be controuled, by the honour of the ministers, or romantic ideas of national dignity. At the close of the war, a revolution was effected in the sentiments of the inhabitants of Great Britain, not less remarkable than what, in the beginning of it, took place among the citizens of America.

Independence, which was neither thought of, nor wished for, by the latter, in the year 1774, and 1775, became in the year 1776 their favourite object. A recognition of this, which, throughout the war, had been with few exceptions, the

object of abhorrence to the British nation, became, in the year 1782, a popular measure in Great Britain, as the means of putting an end to a ruinous war.

The commissioners for negociating peace, on the part of the United States, were John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens. On the part of Great Britain, Mr. Fitzherbert, and Mr. Oswald. Provisional articles of peace between Great Britain and the United States, were, on the 30th of November, 1782, agreed upon by these gentlemen, which were to be inserted in a future treaty of peace, to be finally concluded between the parties, when that between Great Britain and France took place. By these the independence of the states was acknowledged in its fullest extent. Very ample boundaries were allowed them; which comprehended the fertile and extensive countries on both sides of the Ohio, and on the east side of the Mississippi: in which was the residence of upwards of twenty nations of Indians, and particularly of the five nations, who had long been the friends and allies of Great Britain. An unlimited right of fishery, on the banks of Newfoundland, and in other places, where both nations had heretofore been accustomed to fish, was likewise confirmed to the Americans. From the necessity of the case, the loyalists were sacrificed. Nothing further than a simple recommendation for restitution being stipulated in their favour. The British parliament met five days after these provisional articles were signed. They underwent a severe parliamentary discussion. It was said by the opposition that, inde pendence being recognized, every thing ceded by Great Britain required an equivalent; but that, while they gave up the many posts they held in the United States, an immense extent of north and western territory, a participation in the fur trade, and in the fisheries, nothing was stipulated in return.

It must be acknowledged, that the ministers of congress procured, for their countrymen, better terms than they had reason to expect; but, from a combination of circumstances, it was scarcely possible to end the war, without similar conVOL. III. [3]

cessions on the part of Great Britain. By the alliance between France and America, there could be no peace without independence. That once granted, most of the other articles followed of course. It is true the boundaries agreed upon were more extensive than the states, when colonies, had claimed; yet the surplus ceded could have been of little or no use to Great Britain; and might, if retained, have given an occasion to a future war.

The case of the loyalists was undoubtedly a hard one; but unavoidable, from the complex constitution of the United States. The American ministers engaged, as far as they were authorised, and congress did all that they constitutionally could; but this was no more than simply to recommend their case to the several States, for the purpose of making them restitution. To have insisted on more, under such circumstances, would have been equivalent to saying, that there should be no peace. It is true, much more was expected from the recommendations of congress, than resulted from them; but this was not the consequence of deception, but of misunderstanding the principles of confederation. In conformity to the letter and spirit of the treaty, congress urged, in strong terms, the propriety of making restitution to the loyalists: but to procure it was beyond their power. In the animation produced by the war, when the Americans conceived their liberties to be in danger, and that their only safety consisted in obeying their federal head, they yielded a more unreserved obedience to the recommendations of congress, than is usually paid to the decrees of the most arbitrary sovereigns. But the case was widely different, when, at the close of the war a measure was recommended, in direct opposition to their prejudices. It was the general opinion of the Americans, that the continuance of the war, and the asperity with which it had been carried on, were more owing to the machinations of their own countrymen, who had taken part with royal government, than to their British enemies. It is certain that the former had been most active in predatory excursions, and most forward in scenes of blood and murder. Their knowledge of the country enabled them to do mischief, which

would never have occurred to European soldiers. Many powerful passions of human nature operated against making restitution to men, who were thus considered as the authors of so great a share of the general distress.

There were doubtless among the loyalists many worthy characters, friends of peace, and lovers of justice. To such, restitution was undoubtedly due; and to many such, it was made; but it is one of the many calamities incident to war, that the innocent, from the impossibility of discrimination, are often involved in the same distress with the guilty. The return of the loyalists, to their former places of residence, was as much disrelished by the whig citizens of America, as the proposal for reimbursing their confiscated property. In sundry places committees were formed, who, in an arbitrary manner, opposed their peaceable residence. The sober and dispassionate citizens exerted themselves, in checking these irregular measures; but such was the violence of party spirit, and so relaxed were the sinews of government, that, in opposition to legal authority, and the private interference of the judicious and moderate, many indecent outrages were committed on the persons and property of the returning loyalists. Nor were these all the sufferings of those Americans, who had attached themselves to the royal cause. Being compelled to depart their native country, many of them were obliged to take up their abodes, in the inhospitable wilds of Nova Scotia, or on the barren shores of the Bahama Islands. Parliamentary relief was extended to them; but this was obtained with difficulty, and distributed with a partial hand. Some, who invented plausible tales of loyalty and distress, received much more than they ever possessed; but others, less artful, were not half reimbursed for their actual losses.

The bulk of the sufferings, subsequent to the peace among the Americans, fell to the share of the merchants, and others who owed money in England. From the operations of the war, remittances were impossible. In the mean time, payments were made in America, by a depreciating paper, under the sanction of a law which made it a legal tender. The unhappy persons, who, in this manner, received payment, could