not apply it to the extinguishment of their foreign debts. If they retained in their hands the paper paid to them, it daily decreased in value. If they invested it in public securities, from their deficiency of funds, their situation was no better. If they purchased land, such was the superabundance of territory ceded by the peace, that it fell greatly in value. Under all these embarrassments, the American debtor was, by treaty, bound to make payment in specie, of all his bona fide debts, due in Great Britain. The British merchant was materially injured, by being kept, for many years, out of his capital and the American was often ruined, by being ultimately held to pay in specie, what he received in paper. Enough was suffered on both sides to make the inhabitants, as well in Great Britain as in America, deprecate war, as one of the greatest evils incident to humanity.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The State of Parties-The Advantages and Disadvantages of the Revolution-Its Influence on the minds and morals of the Citizens.

PREVIOUS to the American revolution, the inhabitants of the British colonies were universally loyal. That three millions of such subjects should break through all former attachments, and unanimously adopt new ones, could not reasonably be expected. The revolution had its enemies, as well as its friends, in every period of the war. Country, religion, local policy, as well as private views, operated in disposing the inhabitants to take different sides. The New England provinces, being mostly settled by one sort of people, were nearly of one sentiment. The influence of place-men in Boston, together with the connexions which they had formed by marriages, had attached sundry influential characters, in that capital, to the British interest; but these were but as the dust in the balance, when compared with the numerous independent whig yeomanry of the country. The same and other causes produced a large number in New York, who were attached to royal government. That city had long been the head quarters of the British army in America; and many intermarriages, and other connexions, had been made between British officers and some of their first families. The practice of entailing estates had prevailed in New York to a much greater extent, than in any of the other provinces. The governors thereof had long been in the habit of indulging their favourites with extravagant grants of land. This had introduced the distinction between landlord and tenant. There was, therefore, in New York an aristocratic party, respectable for numbers, wealth, and influence, who had much to fear from indepen.

dence. The city was also divided into parties, by the influence of two ancient and numerous families, the Livingstons and Delanceys. These, having been long accustomed to oppose each other at elections, could rarely be brought to unite in any political measures. In this controversy, one almost universally took part with America, and the other with Great Britain.

The Irish in America, with a few exceptions, were attached to independence. They had fled from oppression in their native country, and could not brook the idea that it should follow them. Their national prepossessions, in favour of liberty, were strengthened by their religious opinions. They were generally Presbyterians; and people of that denomination, for reasons hereafter to be explained, were mostly whigs. The Scotch, on the other hand, though they had formerly sacrificed much to liberty, in their own country, were generally disposed to support the claims of Great Britain. Their nation, for some years past, had experienced a large proportion of royal favour. A very absurd association was made by many, between the cause of John Wilkes and the cause of America. The former had rendered himself so universally odious to the Scotch, that many of them were prejudiced against a cause, which was so ridiculously associated, with that of a man, who had grossly insulted their whole nation. The illiberal reflections, cast by some Americans, on the whole body of the Scotch, as favourers of arbitrary power, restrained high-spirited individuals of that nation, from joining a people, who suspected their love of liberty. Such of them, as adhered to the cause of independence, were steady in their attachment. The army and the congress ranked among their best officers, and most valuable members, some individuals of that nation.

Such of the Germans, in America, as possessed the means of information, were generally determined whigs: but many of them were too little informed, to be able to choose their side on proper ground. They, especially such of them as resided in the interior country, were, from their not understanding the English language, far behind most of the other inhabitants, in a knowledge of the merits of the dispute.

Their disaffection was rather passive than active. A considerable part of it arose from principles of religion; for some of their sects deny the lawfulness of war. No people have prospered more, in America, than the Germans. None have surpassed, and but few have equalled them, in industry and other republican virtues.

The great body of tories, in the southern states, were among the settlers on their western frontier. Many of these were ignorant or disorderly persons, who had fled from the old settlements, to avoid the restraints of civil government.

Religion, also, divided the inhabitants of America. The presbyterians and independents were, almost universally, attached to the measures of Congress. Their religious societies are governed on a republican plan. From independence they had much to hope; but from Great Britain, if finally successful, they had reason to fear the establishment of a church bierarchy.

Most of the episcopal ministers, of the northern provinces, were pensioners on the bounty of the British government. The greatest part of their clergy, and many of their laity in these provinces, were, therefore, disposed to support a connexion with Great Britain. The episcopal clergy, in the southern provinces, being less under this bias, were often warm whigs. Some of them, foreseeing the downfall of religious establishments, from the success of the Americans, were less active: but, in general, where their church was able to support itself, their clergy and laity zealously espoused the cause of independence. Great pains were taken to persuade them, that those, who had been called dissenters, were aiming to abolish the episcopal establishment, to make way for their own exaltation; but the good sense of the people restrained them from giving credit to the unfounded suggestion. Religious controversy was happily kept out of view. The well-informed of all denominations were convinced, that the contest was for their civil rights, and, therefore, did not suffer any other considerations. to interfere, or disturb their union.

The quakers, with a few exceptions, were averse to independence. In Pennsylvania, they were numerous, and had

power in their hands. Revolutions in government are rarely patronised by any body of men, who foresee that a diminution of their own importance is likely to result from the change. Quakers from religious principles were averse to war; and therefore could not be friendly to a revolution, which could only be effected by the sword. Several individuals separated from them on account of their principles, and, following the impulse of their inclinations, joined their countrymen in arms. The services America received from two of their society, generals Greene and Mifflin, made some amends for the embarrassment, which the disaffection of the great body of their people occasioned, to the exertions of the active friends of independence.

The age and temperament of individuals had, often, an influence in fixing their political character. Old men were seldom warm whigs. They could not relish the great changes, which were daily taking place. Attached to ancient forms and habits, they could not readily accommodate themselves to new systems. Few of the very rich were active, in forwarding the revolution. This was remarkably the case in the eastern and middle states; but the reverse took place in the southern extreme of the confederacy. There were, in no part of America, more determined whigs, than the opulent slaveholders in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. The active and spirited part of the community, who felt themselves possessed of talents, that would raise them to eminence in a free government, longed for the establishment of independent constitutions: but those who were in possession or expectation of royal favour, or of promotion from Great Britain, wished that the connexion, between the parent state and the colonies, might be preserved. The young, the ardent, the ambitious, and the enterprising were mostly whigs; but the phlegmatic, the timid, the interested, and those who wanted decision, were, in general, favourers of Great Britain, or, at most, only the lukewarm inactive friends of independence. The whigs received a great reinforcement from the operation of continental money. In the years 1775, 1776, and in the first months of 1777, while the bills of Congress were in good credit, the ef