Although the oath of office was administered, and the Constitution went into operation the last day of April, it was not until the fall of the year that any important step was taken. After the Cabinet and judges of the Supreme Court were chosen, the next matter was to decide upon the location of the future capital of the nation. New York was not willing to cede the amount of territory required, therefore it was decided to remove to Philadelphia for the period of ten years. A certain writer,' in praising Philadelphia, and after enumerating all the various ports at which she traded, her schools, and other advantages, adds: "In fact, there may be obtained the knowledge of the arts and sciences, and here may be had, on any day of the week, tarts, pies, cake, etc.; and no jealousy amongst men, and no old maids." It seems quite evident, after this panegyric, why Congress selected this favored city in which to hold its sessions. Undoubtedly the anticipation of regaling themselves in their recesses upon the tarts, pies, etc., had great weight with those upon whom the selection devolved; and does not the fact go to prove that in reality woman was the factor that transformed this charming city of " Brotherly Love" into the city of Brotherly Discord it eventually became, and of introducing some jealous men into it? for a writer has said, "Man is what he eats, and woman is the caterer." Tarts, pies, and cake were the modern apple, the fair caterer the modern Eve; and, tempting the modern Adam, "he did eat ;" and the modern Eden became a modern Babel. However it was, Congress in removing itself to other quarters greatly discomfited the residents of they knew what Government would direct. Eben Hazard, hearing this, said: "If the good bishop never prays without an order from Government it is not probable that the kingdom of heaven will suffer much from his violence." (Bowen, in Century Magazine.) 1 Gabriel Thomas. New York City. No more public fêtes and court balls; no more state pageants and processions; no more president, senators, or legislature. Freneau, too, was disappointed, as he had made arrangements to edit a paper in New York, called "The Daily Advertiser," but it would seem from a letter written by him to Madison, dated July 25, 1791, that the latter had offered him some inducements to go to Philadelphia. Freneau writes from Middletown Point, New Jersey, saying that he is detained there by some pressing business, but that if he should meet Madison upon his return to New York, which would be in a few days, he would then give him a definite answer relative to printing his paper at the seat of government, instead of in New York as he had intended. Freneau eventually succeeded in exchanging the "Advertiser" for the "National Gazette" of Philadelphia, and the first number appeared under his direction in October of the year 1791. had The revenues of the country had been well drained for the expenses of the war, and the indebtedness of the States amounted to eighty million dollars, — an immense debt for an impoverished country. The princely fortune of Robert Morris had gone to pay his country's debts, and the fortunes of many others gone in the same way. Affairs were bordering on bankruptcy, the colonial currency had depreciated to a few cents on the dollar, and the treasury existed only in name. Literary work, not being an absolute necessity, was below par; and, as we know, the loss of his fine ship, the "Aurora," had sadly crippled the resources of Freneau, who had now a family to support, and an estate and slaves to maintain. may have been to add something to his small editorial revenue that he accepted the proposition to become foreign translator to the Department of State, with the paltry salary of two hundred and fifty dollars per It annum. It may have been, as some thought, that he accepted the position through some political motive. Amongst the Jefferson papers one may find the proposal made Freneau in the handwriting of, and signed by, the Secretary of State; it runneth thus: PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 28, 1791. SIR,- The clerkship for foreign languages in my office is vacant; the salary, indeed, is very low, being but two hundred and fifty dollars a year; but also it gives so little to do as not to interfere with any other calling one may chuse, which would not absent him from the seat of government. I was told a few days ago that it might, perhaps, be convenient to you to accept it, — if so, it is at your service. It requires no other qualification than a moderate knowledge of French. Should anything better turn up within my department that might suit you, I should be very happy to bestow it as well. Should you conclude to accept the position, you may consider it as engaged to you, only be so good as to drop me a line informing me of your resolution. I am, with great esteem, sir, TH. JEFFERSON. Freneau's appointment appears amongst the State papers, dated August 16, 1791, signed by Jefferson; below which, in Freneau's handwriting, appear these significative words: "I hereby resign the same appointment from October first, 1793. He had held the office two years, one month, and fifteen days. " In a Philadelphia paper of the times appeared the following paragraph: "Thomas Jefferson Esq., Secretary of State for the United States, has appointed Captain Philip Freneau, interpreter of the French language for the Department of State." It seems that Philadelphia no longer lacked "jealousy amongst men," for an outcry was raised immediately. "A combination between an editor of a journal and the Secretary of State !" And they did not let any time pass without letting Freneau feel the weight of their displeasure. "The circumstance of your having come from another state to set up and conduct a state paper; the circumstance of the editor of that new paper being appointed a clerk in the Department of State; the coincidence in point of time of that appointment with the commencement of your paper, or to speak more correctly its precedency—the conformity between the complexion of your paper and the known politics of the head of the department who employed you these circumstances, collectively, leave no doubt of your true situation; the connection arising from them is too strong to be weakened by any of those bold or even solemn declarations which are among the hackneyed tricks employed by the purists in politics of every country and age to cheat the people into a belief of their superior sanctity, integrity, and virtue. If you had been previously the conductor of a newspaper in this city if your appointment had been any considerable time subsequent to the institution of your paper-there might have been some reason for subterfuge, but as matters stand, you have no possible escape." We all know that at the time of the framing of the Constitution the political world was divided into two antagonistic parties: the one calling themselves Federalists, who believed in centralization, and the other, anti-Federalists or Republicans (the name of Democrat then being given only by way of reproach), who believed in decentralization. The former party had adopted as their platform the principles of a close and lasting union between the States, and a compact form of government invested with authority by the State, and not by the individuals of which it was composed. The English Constitution being in their opinion the nearest to perfect ever planned, they deemed it the most desirable one upon which to form the Constitution of the United States. They desired that the President should be elected for life upon good behavior; and that the senators and the governors of the different States should be selected by the Senate. They wished the Senate and House of Representatives to make the laws, and the President to execute them, and that the latter should have the power to veto the Acts of the State Legislatures. They desired restricted suffrage, the encouragement of foreign commerce and domestic manufacture, the latter protected by tariff. They deemed it necessary to have a powerful standing army, and desired a diplomatic service like that of Europe, and that there should be great formality along with the etiquette of the foreign courts, which they thought necessary to insure respect for authority. This party comprised those who inclined to England through kinship, language, and hatred of France. The anti-Federalists, or Republicans, desired to preserve the independence of the several States, and advocated unity in regard to foreign matters, but plurality in home affairs. They wished to retain the Plan of Confederation, altering it to suit the present state of affairs and present needs. They thought such a centralization of power as the Federalists desired would rob the individual States of their sovereignty, and clothe the President with too much power, leaving the people too unprotected. They advocated the extension of suffrage, and the encouragement of agriculture and internal trade, rather than foreign commerce. They preferred the employment of well drilled militia. instead of standing armies, and advocated simplicity and economy in the government, and the doing away with all monarchial forms; also open sessions of Congress. They charged the Federals with the design of establishing a monarchy on the ruins of the republican |