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TREASURER'S REPORT.

New-England Anti-Slavery Society in account with James C.

Odiorne, Treasurer. 1833.

Dr.
April. To cash paid W. L. Garrison, for expenses

in part of his mission to England $380,00 Oct. Cash paid sundry Agents

904,80 Cash paid for printing

454,00 Paid for use of Halls for public meetings 106,25 Incidental expenses

47,57 Dec. Balance on hand

266,21

$2158,83.

33.

Cr. Jan. By balance of last year's account

$ 9,24
Annual assessments from members

164,00
Cash received to constitute Life Members 240,00
Feb. Cash received of John Kenrick, Esq. towards
Manual Labor School fund

250,00 Dec. Cash collected by Agents

496,00 Maine Anti-Slavery Society

100,00 Other Anti-Slavery Societies

59,86 Contributed at public meetings

107,61 Publications sold

17,50 Sundry small donations

304,62 Amount of a loan to the Society

410,00

$2158,83 JAMES C. ORDIORNE, Treasurer. Boston, January 14, 1834.

Boston, JANUARY 15, 1834. I certify that I have examined the above account, and find it correct and properly vouched.

JOHN S. WILLIAMS, Auditor.

APPE IT DI.

MISSION TO ENGLAND.

Extracts from Mr. Garrison's Report to the Board of Managers of the

0-England Anti-Slavery Society. In obedience to a resolution of the Board of Managers, passed March 7, 1833, I left New York in the packet ship Hibernia, Capt. Wilsong on the 1st of May ensuing, for Liverpool, and arrived at the latter port on the 22d of the same month.

Two great objects were embraced in the mission-first, the obtainment of funds for the establishment of a Manual Labor School for Colored Youth -and, secondly, an exposure of the real character of the American Colonization Society to the people of England. An incidental object was to gain the acquaintance and secure the correspondence of the leading philanthropists of that country, and to accumulate such anti-slavery periodicals and tracts as had been instrumentally blessed to the advancement of the great cause of human rights. Each of these objects was deemed of sufficient importance to authorize the mission; but, owing to the limited means of the New-England Anti-Siavery Society, my private instructions from the Board forbade a protracted visit, unless I were successful in procuring funds for the School, or unless circumstances scarcely anticipated should seem to require delay.

The subject of the mission was agitated by the Board as early as November, 1832. Aware of their desire that I should appear as their representative in England, it was not until after the most extensive consultation among the friends of emancipation--the strictest personal examinationthe most enlarged survey of the whole ground of duty-and the most earnest supplications for Divine guidance—that I felt willing to acquiesce in their decision. From the first moment that the enterprise was projected, it appeared to me not only desirable but imperative. A clear acquittal of the anti-slavery party in this country from blame, and a prompt discharge of duty toward that party in England, evidently demanded just such a mission. An agent of the American Colonization Society had been trav: elling nearly three years in its behalf, and by his misrepresentations had extensively succeeded in making the British public believe that its primary object was the emancipation of all the slaves in the United States. Hailing

it, therefore, as a grand abolition society, they had liberally contributed to its funds, and given its advocate the right hand of fellowship. To have permitted this deception to prevail, without making strenuous efforts to remove it, would have been a base connivance at dishonesty. Epistolary correspondence would not answer. The urgency of the case was such as to require something more than apocryphal and private testimony. A living agent, speaking by authority and clothed with official power, was needed to insure the triumph of truth and HONESTY over Falsehood and FRAUD.

But, although I was persuaded of the necessity of the mission, I came very slowly, nay, reluctantly to the conclusion, that it was my duty to embark for England and engage in this sacred strifc. The trsk was a mighty one, and painfully and unfeignedly did I feel my incompetency to meet it. It was unpleasant, moreover, to engage in a contest which must assume, positively and unavoidably, an invidious and personal aspect. Humble as was the post which I filled, the thought of even a temporary abandonment of it filled me with disquietude. I desired to remain in the battle-field at home, where the peril was imminent, where blows fell fast, where personal exertions were so much needed, and where the movements of the enemy could be readily perceived and counteracted. But other considerations arose to outweigh these :-Either I must go, or the mission must be abandoned at least for a time, because no other person could be found willing to assume its responsibilities. Occurrences had conspired to identify me with the anti-slavery cause in the United States, and, consequently, my name and exertions had become more familiar to the leading abolitionists in England, than perhaps those of any other individual: this was a desirable and signal advantage. Moreover, no one was better acquainted with the principles, or had more narrowly watched the tendencies of the American Colonization Society, than myself; and as it was not a brilliant display of talent, but a simple exhibition of truth, which the mission exacted, I felt reconciled to a separation from my friends in the discharge of a high and solemn trust.

I have made these explanatory remarks, because justice to the Board and to myself seems to require them as proofs of the caution, deliberation, and wisdom, with which the mission was undertaken.

In a Report like the present, it will be difficult to shun the appearance of personal hostility and personal egotism. References to Mr. Elliott Cresson (the agent of the American Colonization Society) and myself must be frequent, but they shall be as dispassionate and unostentatious as practicable.

Agreeably to my instructions, on landing at Liverpool I called at the hospitable dwelling of JAMES CROPPER,—the distinguished friend of the human race,—but failed to see him, as he was then in London. His sons, however, received me with great cordiality, by whom I was introduced to several worthy friends of both sexes, all of whom hailed my visit as singularly providential. Having tarried in Liverpool three or four days, by their

advice I hastened to the capital city of mankind,' in order to lay my credentials before the Anti-Slavery Society, and to secure its advice and cooperation.

Before I proceed to state my reception in London, I wish to indulge in a brief but delightful episode.

Travellers have told us that in England, (and so throughout Europe,) the malignant prejudices which reign in this country against persons of a colored or black complexion, do not exist; or, if cherished at all, they are scarcely perceptible and practically inert. This assertion has never been denied, except by such of our countrymen as have remained always at home, and who, filled with these prejudices and deeming them incurable, are democratically and religiously persuaded that white men and black men never can and never ought to live together on terms of equality. For myself, I had three good reasons for believing the report ; and these were drawn from our oppression of our colored population, and their consequent debasement and servitude. First; the wonderful variety of shades which were observable in the complexions of that popalation proved that there was no mutual repugnance to color between the white and sable races : the amalgamation was voluntary and reciprocal. Second; every day brought me indubitable evidence that black people became offensive only as they became enlightened and independent: if they were servants or slaves, they found no difficulty in procuring seats in stage coaches, or in freely mingling with the passengers on board of steam-boats, or in serving at the tables of the fastidious and opulent. Persons seldom thought of disliking their complexion, or quarrelling with their presence, under such circumstances. But whenever they appeared in a handsome garb, in a dignified mien, as intelligent and wealthy citizens, they invariably excited the ridicule of their white contemners, and were rudely thrust out from all the conveniences and privileges of society; the pretence for such treatment being found in their color. Third; as the African race had not been subjected to slavery in Europe, and as 'men naturally hate those whom they have injured,' I was not surprised to learn that colored persons were treated with as much courtesy in England, France, Spain, &c. &c. as the white inhabitants; any more than I am to perceive the haughty disdain with which they are treated by those in this land whose republicanism and christianity permit them to defraud and brutalize millions of these sable victims with impunity.

Still, powerful as are well-authenticated facts, their impression deepens upon the mind by a visible exemplification to the eye. Hence, although I was prepared, on my arrival in England, to sec colored men on terms of equality with the whites, yet the novelty of the spectacle called up involuntary surprise, as well as pleasurable emotion.

On attending public worship in the Rev. Dr. Raffles' church, I was politely conducted to an eligible seat in the broad aisle. In a few moments afterward, by a singular, and certainly to me a very agreeable coincidence,

a colored man was bowed into the same pew with as much courtesy as 1 had been: next came a fashionably dressed lady and gentleman, and soon the pew was completely occupied. Ah! thought I, what an anomaly is this! how it would disturb and annoy a religious congregation in republican America !—But here I perceive no repugnance, no hostility, no pushing into a remote corner, persons of a sable complexion. Have the people in England no eyes? Can they not discriminate between white and black ? Why do they not shrink from a juxta-position like this? Where is that aristocratic refinement and despotic taste, of which the democracy of my native country vaunts itself? Are they not aware that causes exist, and are operating, to prevent the improvement and elevation of black men, to any considerable extent, as a class, in England, -causes which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power?' Do they not know that 'Christianity cannot do for them here, what it will do for them in Africa ? '--that this is an ordination of Providence, no more to be changed than the laws of Nature ?? Thanks be to God, such barbarity finds no place in the hearts, such impiety dwells not on the lips, of this truly great and noble people. The black man has never been enslaved in England, and therefore the prejudice which arises, not from the color of the skin, but from the degradation of its victim, is not known. The services of the sanctuary seemed to acquire new interestthe spirit of the gospel to excel in amiability-and my soul to derive new strength. Here was demonstrative proof that no change of the skin, but only an end of slavery, is necessary to make the people of color in the United States respectable and happy.

Before I pass from this topic, I will anticipate the regular occurrence of similar incidents, by stating that in travelling in various parts of the kingdom, I found that colored persons were as readily admitted into the coaches as white persons ;-I met them in circles of refinement and gentility-at the tables of opulent and reputable individuals-on the platform in public meetings with the peers of the realm-as spectators in the House of Commons and in the House of Lords-arm-in-arm with gentlemen in the streets, &c. &c. Nay, while I was in London, a colored American (the Rev. NATHANIEL Paul) was united in wedlock to a white lady of respectability, talent and piety. What an uproar such an occurrence would create in this country Even in Massachusetts, the marriage would by law be null and void, and the clergymen performing it would be fined £50!

Indeed, so far from prejudice against a colored complexion abounding in England, I often found it extremely difficult to make our trans-atlantic brethren credit my statements, respecting the persecution to which the colored people were subjected in the United States, on account of their color. It seemed, by the surprise and incredulity which they manifested in their countenances, as if they suspected me of indulging in playful exaggeration, or of exploring the whole extent of their credulousness. AJI such statements were perfectly ostounding and inexplicable to them, be

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