lease from the restraints to which freemen are subject? We would indeed have the slaves immediately set free from all those restraints which operate to keep them slaves for no men, however ignorant, however degraded, however wicked, ought to be slaves a moment. But we would have them subjected to righteous laws, and to any other salutary control, that may be found necessary for their good, and the good of the community. From the beginning of our enterprise, our claim for them has been, that they ought to be admitted to all the privileges and prerogatives of freemen, only upon the same conditions, after they shall have acquired, (those of them who do not now possess) the qualifications demanded of others.

If the misapprehensions, into which others may fall, or the misrepresentations they may be pleased to make of our language, are good reasons why we should not use language, that is properly expressive of the truth or the duty we are laboring to enforce, why, there is an end to all improvement in the theories or the practices of the world.

But Dr. C. says the Abolitionists "have fallen into the common error of enthusiasts, that of exaggerating their object, of feeling as if no evil existed but that which they opposed, and as if no guilt could be compared with that of countenancing or upholding it." We grieve that he suffered this censure to drop from his pen. It will repress, we fear, in many bosoms, the concern which was begining to rise for the slaves and the slave-holders in our land. There is no danger we shall esteem the evil of their condition to be greater than it is. We see all about us an alarming insensibility or indifference. "Suppose," to use the words of Dr. C. on the 137th page, "suppose that millions of white men were enslaved, robbed of all their rights, in a neighboring country, and enslaved by a black race, who had torn their ancestors from the shores on which our fathers had lived. How deeply should we feel their wrongs!" Yes, how deeply would the whole community feel their wrongs! Ay, how much more deeply would even the Abolitionists feel in that case! Yet, why should we not all feel as much in the case that actually exists, as in the one supposed? We are unable to find a reason, of which we are not ashamed. Let any person who thinks we may be in danger of estimating too highly the guilt of

countenancing or upholding slavery, read Dr. Channing's chapter on the "Evils of Slavery," and then show us, if he can, wherein we have exaggerated them.

Again, Dr. Channing objects to our manner of forming associations. "The Abolitionists might have formed an association; but it should have been an elective one. Men of strong principles, judiciousness, sobriety, should have been carefully sought as members. Much good might have been accomplished by the co-operation of such philanthropists." About as much good, we opine, as has been accomplished by the American Union, which is, or was an elective association. Why did not Dr. Channing himself, years ago, seek out men of such strong principles, judiciousness, sobriety, to co-operate with him, or with one another, for the relief of our enslaved countrymen? Doubtless because he was not moved thereto by as deep a sense of their wrongs, as he now feels; or because the considerations which have at length impelled him to lift up his voice, in the cause of the slave, did not then press upon his mind. Or in other words, perhaps, because he was not an euthusiast in this matter. Enthusiasts,' we are aware, is an epithet of reproach. Yet it is the epithet bestowed upon a sort of men who are adapted, in the providence of God, to do as important services as any other. They are the men who begin all difficult enterprises. They are the pioneers of reform. If it be not so; why, we ask it before the world, why, we ask it before the Searcher of all hearts, why did the judicious and the sober leave it for enthusiasts to begin this great work in our land? And why have they not come to our aid before now? If we had elected the wise and prudent, would they have associated with us? Are they the men to bear the brunt of a moral conflict? Not many wise, (as this world counts wisdom) not many rich, not many mighty, ever were found among the leaders of reform. God has always chosen the foolish to confound the wise.

By the foolishness of ́preaching the simple truth that the slaves are men, and ought to be immediately recognized and treated as men, we have confounded, moved, aroused, our guilty nation. And now that the "men of strong principles, judiciousness, sobriety" are, or soon will be constrained to speak and act, we and our enslaved brethren shall have the benefit of their counsels

and co-operation. We followed the example of our Lord, who went himself, and sent his disciples, at one time twelve, at another time seventy, preaching the truth in every town and village, not to select audiences, but to such as had ears to hear. We elected no man; but we prayed the Father of Spirits to elect many to this great work, by convicting them of the sin of indifference to the awful transgression of our land, baptizing them unto the spirit of impartial love, and filling their hearts with sympathy for the wrongs of the down-trodden slaves.

We are aware of the evils, which may arise, and often do arise, from the associated action of large numbers of men. Dr. Channing has hinted at some of them, and we thank him for the admonition, which cannot be too often given, unless it prevent men from associating for the promotion of any good object. We would have every individual so deeply conscious of his individual responsibleness, that the influence of no numbers, however large, shall overbear his personal conviction of what is right. But on the other hand, we see not what individual action would ever accomplish for the general good, if it should continue individual. Surely it is not until the individual, who has discovered some new truth, or detected some error at the foundation of the existing state of things, has brought others to see with his eyes, and to actin accordance with their new views, not till then, that he can be said to have effected anything for the good of society. All will allow, that the discoveries or conceptions, which have led to the improvements that have blessed the world, have originated with individual minds. This has been the case in science, politics, and religion. And they, who have thus given the first impulse to any reformation, are remembered as among the chief benefactors of the world. But how have they done the good, for which we bless them? We answer by giving rise to associated sentiment and action. We care not for the outward forms, the ceremony and circumstance of societies, any farther than they manifest to the world the existence and diffusion of the sentiment, that is to effect the desired good. But we demand how will this renovated sentiment be diffused, without associated influence and action? If it be confined to the bosom of the individual, will it not be like a talent wrapped

up in a napkin? How does "the enthusiasm of the individual," which Dr. Channing says, "is a mighty power," how does it operate for good, but by carrying the truth, which has aroused itself" far into other souls," enkindling them with devotion to the same good cause, and thus ensuring their co-operation, their associated action? We have the authority of our Savior and the Apostles, for resorting to the instrumentality of associations. One of the first acts of Christ's public ministry was to call to him, and associate with him, twelve men. 'Tis true, they did not form, what in our day, is technically called "a society." They did not appoint officers, excepting only a treasurer.* But they certainly were associated, and acted for one common object. And at an early period, societies for the maintenance and promotion of the Christian faith, were instituted by the Apostles, in the chief cities of the Roman Empire, having their officers, whose titles are so familiar, they need not be named. Now we will not deny, that the evils pointed out by Dr. Channing, were found to arise from these associations, and subsequent ones like them. Yet we trust much greater good has resulted from them; nor do we believe that Dr. Channing would venture to intimate, that the religion of Christ would have been preserved and diffused in the world, if such associations had not been formed. After all then, the only objection that can rest against associations is that (like everything else) they are liable to abuses. He does a valuable service, who points out the abuses, to which they are liable. But he would do an immeasurable evil, who should persuade men to renounce or refrain from them.

We have commented thus at length, and freely, upon this work, because we know that few writers in our country act upon more minds, than Dr. Channing, and therefore we especially deprecate the influence of any mistakes, into which he has fallen. Still we are not behind others in our approbation of a very large proportion of his work; nor in our admiration of the man, who enjoying as he did in the utmost serenity, the highest reputation as a writer and a divine, has, for the love of humanity, put at hazard the repose perhaps of the rest of his life; and sacrificed thousands of the ardent admirers of his genius and his eloquence.

* Judas was appointed to keep the bag.

Once more then. Dr. Channing expresses his belief that the Abolitionists have been signally unsuccessful in the course they have adopted" that nothing seems to have been gained, and something has been lost to the cause of freedom and humanity." Now to quiet this apprehension, it were enough to point to his book, and ask, would it have been written, if the country had not been so agitated by the discussion of this great question, over which until lately the wise as well as the foolish were in a deep sleep, as to create a demand for such an exertion as he could make to give direction to the public mind? If we had done no more, than call out his book, we should have done some good, for surely his book is a gain to the cause of freedom and humanity. He has called the attention of our community back to the consideration, nay more he has given them a new and higher exposition, of those momentous principles on which our salvation as a nation depends. And the disclosures of the past year have shown, only too plainly, to what a frightful extent these principles have been and are disregarded, or unknown, even in New England.

"If," says Mr. Webster,*"there be any among us, so high, as to be too high for the authority of the law, or so low as to be too low for its regard and protection; or if there be any who by any means whatever, may exempt themselves from its control, then to that extent we have failed to maintain an equal government." Tried by this rule, how glaringly unequal does our government appear! Here at the north, men of "property and standing," are so high, that they may do things with impunity, for which other men would be heavily fined or imprisoned. They may issue murderous handbills to mislead and infuriate the populace. They may wantonly destroy the property, and assault violently the persons of their fellow citizens. And the Government stands by, without making an effort to detect the instigators of the outrage; or to bring to punishment those, who were seen to perpetrate it.† For such offences, ay, for less than these, men of another descrip

* At the close of his letter to the Anti-masons of Pennsylvania. †The text does not tell the whole truth. Two of the prominent rioters in Boston, were soon after elected to the Legislature — and one of them was also chosen an overseer or director of the House of Correction, to keep poor rogues in order.