tion would have been, without delay, taken into the custody of the guardians of the public peace, and made to feel the stern control of offended justice.

At the South, there are more than two millions of men so low, as to be no more regarded or protected by the law, than the domesticated brutes are. More than two millions are there, who may suffer the greatest injuries men can inflict upon each other, and have no redress. Indeed should they dare to approach a Court of Justice, to prefer a complaint, they would be spurned from it by the magistrate, and probably receive some summary punishment for their insolence, in presuming to complain. What nation on earth presents so glaring an example of unequal government, as our own, when looked at in the light of Mr. Webster's wisdom.

Such being the condition of our country, surely it is a gain to the cause of freedom and humanity, that Dr. Channing has been called out to write a book, in which on the one hand he vindicates the right of the slave to the prerogatives of a man, and on the other hand, solemnly admonishes the freeman, that he is the subject of law; and that a mobocrat is a usurper and rebel.

A few days after the publication of the above-mentioned book, there appeared a large pamphlet written by a citizen of Boston, entitled, "Remarks upon Dr. Channing's Slavery." We know not who wrote it. We trust the author will never own his work. It was evidently written by one who has neither faith in God, nor faith in man.

Whatever agency we may have had, in creating the occasion and demand for the book, to the review of which we have just devoted several pages, it is but a very small part of what we have been instrumental in effecting, for the relief of our enslaved and degraded countrymen. Millions in this Republic were crying for justice, for mercy, for the inalienable rights of man, for their portion of that bread which comes down from heaven; and their cry was unheeded. The North had conspired with the South against them. The wise and prudent deemed it impolitic to interfere for their relief. The rich, the mighty, the rulers of the people, scowled reproof upon all, who would disturb the established order of things, although under it millions of human beings were crushed.

And even the preachers of the Gospel put not forth a finger to break the yoke, or lighten the heavy burden, under which they saw our countrymen oppressed and groaning. But against this array of opposers, we have been enabled to persevere, until we have brought the condition of the enslaved in our land to be the great concern of our nation. It is inevitable that it is to occupy the thoughts and feelings of our national Legislature, during their present session, more than any other, or all other topics together.

The review of the past year will leave, no doubt, in the mind of any one, that the subject of slavery is up for the consideration and action of the American people. To bring it thus before them was of course our first object, and, thanks to our opposers, scarcely less than our friends, never was an object more completely attained. It needs no supernatural vision to foresee, that hereafter, slavery will be talked about, and written about, by private individuals, and public men, in the circles of domestic and social life, and in the Halls of Legislation, until it is totally abolished. This result is now inevitable. How soon it will take place, we cannot with certainty predict, but have reason to believe that many here present, may live to see it, and live many years after it.* In what precise manner this result will be accomplished, we are equally unable to foretell; but foudly cherish the hope that it will be a bloodless victory of truth over error, right over wrong, humanity over oppression.

We are aware many apprehend, that the change we propose in the condition of nearly one fifth of our whole population cannot be wrought without a terrible, a sanguinary conflict. But we do not so despair of justice, honor, benevolence, religion. Our hope in

*One of the Boston ministers, as we have been informed by a person who heard him at Thursday Lecture a few weeks ago, in a discourse upon the improved and improving state of our times, uttered the following sentences :-" Slavery too must come to an end. But it may not be in our day. It may not be effected by the discussions and resolutions of a little knot of Abolitionists, or by foreign interference, or by domestic indiscretion." We preserve this as a specimen of the milder tone of doubt, contempt and condemnation, which the preachers of religion have adopted towards us. Have they too forgotten that the religion which they now preach to large, and wealthy and fashionable assemblies, under "marble domes and gilded spires," was at first listened to with favor only by a little knot of disposed persons, called Christians, who were persecuted in every city?

these is turned to faith, when we cast our eyes across the Atlantic, and see how great a work, of the same kind we have to do, has been done by the moral power of a people speaking the same language, and professing the same religion with ourselves. It is true the work which this nation must perform in deference to the rights of man, is much greater than that which England has accomplished. It is true the two classes of our countrymen, whose rights are to be equalized, are situated with relation to each other, and to the rest of the nation, somewhat differently from the parties concerned in the question of slavery under the British Government. This is frequently urged as a reason why we should not look to the success there, as a ground of encouragement to our efforts here. But why? The differences referred to are not essential. They do not affect the principles on which our success depends. The morality of the two cases is precisely the same. And it is worthy to be remembered that precisely the same objections were urged against the procedure of the Abolitionists in England, that are now opposed to us; and very similar obstacles thrown in their way, that are thrown in ours. Then it should be borne in mind, as a circumstance favorable to our enterprise, that the sentiments and feelings of the British nation on this subject, as on every other, cannot fail to be diffused among us, their literature being intimately blended with our own. So that we are contending upon a vantage ground, gained by our trans-Atlantic brethren, who established the claim of the African to be considered in all respects a and accumulated much incontestible evidence to prove that it is always safe, as well as right, to treat him as a man. Why, then, should we be disheartened, though it appears that our country is to be the theatre of the severest conflict for human rights the world has ever known? We have been so boastful of our devotion to this sacred cause, it is well the depth of that attachment should be proved the strength of our republican principles fully tried. If we unfeignedly believe those great truths. which our nation propounded to the world, we shall brave the controversy, in the highest confidence of success. We shall, we must prevail over all the opposition, that the prejudices, the fears, and the sordid selfishness of men may array against us.

man

But, however sure of victory, we may not with impunity to our cause, forget for a moment, that this is a spiritual warfare. It is peculiarly incumbent upon us, as far as in us lies, to prevent it from degenerating into a war of passion, and brute force. While on the one hand, we must not suffer obloquy and outrage, and threats of personal violence, to provoke or alarm us to resort to any other weapons than those, which are mighty through God, to the pulling down of strong holds; we must not, on the other hand, unnecessarily provoke the passions of those, whose awful violations. of the first principles of humanity, it is our duty to expose. This exposure, however kindly made, may offend them. If so, the fault is theirs. Such provocation may lead them to repentance. It is this we are aiming to effect. Our object is not 'to compel the slave-holders by physical force, to emancipate their slaves - but by the force of truth and argument, by appeals to their feelings as men, and their consciences as accountable beings. Now if we would prosecute our endeavors to do the latter, with the hope of success, it is obvious we must convince them that we would not do the former, under any circumstances, nor for any consideration.

Our solemn declaration is before the world, that "we will never in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force." And many of the events of the past year must have convinced unprejudiced minds, that Abolitionists are men of peace. May we abound in this spirit- the spirit of him who, though he denounced sin with tremendous severity, yet was gentle unto all men, and as unresisting as a lamb, when seized, mocked, buffeted, and led away to an infamous death with common malefactors the morally heroic spirit, which will lead us to hope, with our beloved fellow laborer A. E. Grimke, that, if blood is to be spilt in this cause, "it may be ours, instead of the slave-holders' that our lives may be taken and theirs spared." We wish to do them only good-to redeem themselves from iniquity, no less than their slaves from a cruel bondage. It is not our fault, that they do not, or will not understand, that this is with us a high moral and religious question; that we shall as soon deny our God, and worship idols, as abandon the advocacy

of the rights of man; that we are ready to go to the gibbet or the stake, sooner than forsake the cause of our enslaved countrymen ; but that we will not fight for them with carnal weapons. We have often assured, we now again assure the slave-holders in our land, and we beseech them to assure their slaves, that the warfare we have commenced for their deliverance, is to be fought with the sword of truth and of the Spirit. If the slaves resort to violence, they must not look to the Abolitionists for aid. We will contend steadfastly for their rights-we w suffer- if need be we will die for them; but we will not murder, nor be accessory to murder, for their sake. How cruel it is, in our northern and southern opposers, to mislead the slaves, by the gross misrepresentations they give them of our sentiments and purposes! If a servile war should desolate the South, it will be justly attributable not to what we have done, or written, or said; but to what our opposers have said, written, and done to excite the fears of the masters, and the false hopes of the slaves. We would emancipate the slaves only by the spirit of repentance in the bosoms of their masters; and procure the abolition of the system of oppression, only by the power of a corrected public opinion.

P. S. Since our Annual Meeting, at which the above Report was read, we have seen two passages that have been quoted from publications of the Abolitionists, in order to show that they are insurrectionary. The first is quoted from the Emancipator, in the Indictment of Mr. R. G. Williams of New York, publishing Agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, by the Grand Jury of the State of Alabama. "God commands and all nature cries out, that man should not be held as property. The system of making men property has plunged 2,250,000 of our fellow countrymen into the deepest physical and moral degradation, and they are every moment sinking deeper." Upon this we shall not stop to comment; for if this be insurrectionary, then is "the Declaration of Independence " far more so.

The second is quoted, in the postscript to a letter, addressed to the writer of this Report, published in a Danville (Va.) paper. It is from the speech of Gerrit Smith Esq. at Peterboro', Oct. 22d. 1835. "The sword now drawn will not be sheathed till victory, entire victory, is ours or theirs." If our Southern brethren can prove, that any other sword than that of truth is now drawn, or is advised to be drawn, by the Abolitionists, then may this one passage avail them something in their attempt to prove, that we intend violence and insurrection. We again confidently refer our countrymen to all our publications. They may find in them some sentences in bad taste -some perhaps in bad temper - but not a word, will they find, in counsel or in countenance of insurrection.