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Rev. H. C. Wright offered a Resolution, which called up an animated debate between the mover, and C. P. Grosvenor, in which several other gentlemen also took part. The resolution was laid upon the table. The Society adjourned to meet again at six o'clock. The Society met again according to adjournment at Congress Hall, which was filled with friends of both sexes. The President called to order at half past six.

Rev. Mr. Duncan, of Hanover, offered prayer.

The resolution, which had been discussed in the afternoon, was called up, and again laid on the table.

Rev. Professor Follen offered the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted.

Resolved, That we consider the Anti-Slavery cause as the cause of Philanthropy, with regard to which all human beings, white men and colored men, citizens and foreigners, men and women, have the same duties and the same rights.

Professor Follen introduced the resolution, which he offered to the meeting, with some remarks on various topics, which he said he should wish to discuss more fully, but on which, for want of time, he was able to bestow only a passing notice. He wished to be able to speak at large on the causes and the character of the anti-abolition mobs, which, through the influence of those who excited them, were more generally known amongst us by the slanderous name of "antislavery mobs." Some notice, it seems, ought to be taken of the remarkable power of prophecy, displayed by many of the organs of public opinion, in foretelling these fearful convulsions of the moral fabric of society. These successful enchanters of the public mind have, in this instance, equalled, nay, they have surpassed all other prophets before them. For they not only prophesied the things which have since been fulfilled, but what is more remarkable, they themselves have fulfilled their prophecies. And what they had thus foretold and brought to pass, they also defended and justified by an original mode of reasoning, which certainly deserves as much credit for its truth as for its honesty - and which, if carried out consistently, would reverse our whole system of laws and of morals. Anti-abolition mobs, and the impunity of their authors, have been justified by our newspapers, ay, by men of high standing in society, by a mode of reasoning, according to which we ought to condemn and send to prison, not the thief and the cheat, but the man of property who has been robbed or defrauded. There is, indeed, no denying that if there were no abolitionists daring to express their sentiments, there would be no such mobs. Can it be denied, then, that the abolitionists are tempting and provoking the people to acts of violence, that they are the true authors of these mobs, and that their ordinary plea, that all their doings are strictly within their constitutional right, to speak, to print, and peaceably to assemble, is merely a plausible pretext to cover their disorganizing designs? The abolitionists are the authors of these mobs, they tempt and provoke the people to violence, as truly as the man of property tempts and provokes the thief, and is, therefore, the true author of the theft, and ought to be sent to prison. For the plea that his property is guaranteed to him by the law, is a mere pretence contrived to secure to him an unfair advantage over his neighbor. Such

are the arguments by which the enemies of freedom, the prophets, the perpetrators, and the advocates of mobs, amongst us, have outlawed law, and outreasoned But I leave this, and other topics of a more limited nature, in order to present the following resolution:

reason.

Resolved, that we consider the Anti-Slavery cause as the cause of philanthropy, with regard to which all human beings, white men and colored men, citizens and foreigners, men and women, have the same duties and the same rights.

Philanthropy means the love of man; and the love of man is the true and only foundation of the Anti-Slavery cause. Our whole creed is summed up in this single position, that the slave is a man, created by God in his own image, and, therefore, by divine right, a freeman. The slave is a man, and we are men ; this is the only needful and all-sufficient title, from which every Anti-Slavery Society, and every abolitionist derive their duties and their rights. Every human being, whether colored or white, foreigner or citizen, man or woman, is, in virtue of a common nature, a rightful and responsible defender of the natural rights of all. These are the sentiments of every abolitionist; these the principles of the Declaration of Independence, which was intended to make this whole nation one great Anti-Slavery Society.

Professor F. observed, that these self-evident truths had been opposed in full, by the consistent enemies of human freedom, and obstructed in detail, by its inconsistent friends.

In the first place, we have been advised, if we really wished to benefit the slave and the colored race generally, not unnecessarily to shock the feelings, though they were but prejudices, of the white people, by admitting colored persons to our Anti-Slavery meetings and societies. We have been told that many who would otherwise act in union with us, were kept away by our disregard of the feelings of the community in this respect.

Grant the fact, that this piece of bad policy in as keeps away many who would otherwise be with us at this time, in this hall, or in some other more spacious room, which their personal influence might open to our holy cause, which still has to go begging from the door of one Christian church to another, without finding admission. But what, I would ask, is the great, the single object of all our meetings and societies? Have we any other object than to impress upon the community this one principle, that the colored man is a MAN? and, on the other hand, is not the prejudice, which would have us exclude colored people from our meetings and societies here, the same which, in the Southern States, dooms them to perpetual bondage? It needs no long argument, then, to prove that by excluding the colored people from our Anti-Slavery proceedings, we should not only deprive ourselves of many faithful fellow-laborers, but by complying with that inhuman prejudice, we should sanction and support the first principles of slavery, as well as give the lie to our own most solemn professions. In our private intercourse, in our personal and domestic relations, let every one choose his company according to his own principles, or his own whims. But as for any meetings and associations designed for the establishment of human rights — how can we have the effrontery to expect the white slaveholder of the South to live on terms of civil equality with his colored slave, if we, the white abolitionists of the North, will not admit colored freemen as members of our Anti-Slavery Societies? This may be sufficient to vindicate the first part of my resolution, claiming for

colored men and white men that essential equality of rights and duties with regard to the Anti-Slavery cause, which should lead to united action.

In the second place, I assert, that with regard to this cause, foreigners and citizens have the same duties and the same rights.

Professor F. observed, that in defending this clause in his resolution, he felt, or rather he had been made to feel as if he was, in part, speaking in self-defence. For though he had come to this country for no other reason than to live under the government of equal laws, which were not to be found in Europe; and though for eleven years he had sustained the duties, and during five years possessed all the rights of the citizens of this Republic, his devotion to the Anti-Slavery cause had been condemned both in private and in public, on the grave and undeniable charge of his having been born in a foreign land. His active interest in this cause had become more extensively known by the ‘Address to the people of the United States' which he, as the Chairman of a Committee appointed for this purpose, by the New-England Anti-Slavery Convention of 1834, had been called upon to draw up, and which, according to a vote of the Board of Managers, had been sent to every member of Congress. A copy of this address had been returned to him by an unknown hand, with the words, 'A foreigner should recollect the protection afforded him by the Institutions of this country, when he undertakes to cast a firebrand among the people, by which they may be destroyed.' Similar ingenious substitutes for argument, being rendered more striking by studied vulgarity, had appeared in some of our newspapers. For himself, he had nothing to offer to the distinguished few, who had, notwithstanding his rightful citizenship, insisted upon treating him as a foreigner, unless it be the plea which had been entered for him by a generous friend, that though not a son of the pilgrims, he was himself a pilgrim.'

'

I should have passed over, in silence, these petty vexations, as solitary exceptions to the uniform experience of generous confidence and kindness, which I have never ceased to enjoy in this community, if it were not for the great principle involved in these disagreeable trifles.

Our cause is the cause of man; therefore, our watchword from the beginning has been, Our country is the world- our countrymen all mankind.' We reverence patriotism as a virtue, so far as it is philanthropy applied to our own country, while we look down upon it as a vice, so far as it would sacrifice the rights of man- - the moral to the selfish interests of our nation. The Anti-Slavery cause, then, being the cause of man, knows no difference between natives and foreigners. Nay, more, we have here amongst us large numbers of natives of this country, without a shadow of right, deprived of the fruits of their labor, stript of the sacred rights of husbands and wives, parents and children, citizens and christians, we see them daily driven out to merciless toil, sold like beasts, imprisoned, lacerated, and degraded without redress. Now when we see many millions of our countrymen, yea, the priests and the rulers of the people, going on in their own course of prosperity, and, without pity, passing by an innocent brother, stripped of everything and wounded in soul and body; and perchance there should be journeying this way a foreigner who should have compassion on him and try to lift him up, and pour into his wounds the oil of consolation and the wine of hope, or from the rich treasury of his heart, should pour out the pure gold of sterling truth to redeem him from bondage-which of these, I ask, would be a neighbor to him who had been robbed and wounded? And shall we, the favored citizens,

on beholding such signal kindness, cry out with the Jews of old, He is a Samaritan, and has a devil?'. -or with our modern, national bigots-He is a foreigner; an English emissary; mob him! tar and feather him!!'

We look upon the foreigner, who holds up before us the law of liberty, proclaimed in our Declaration of Independence, in opposition to the law of servitude, imposed and enforced by our free institutions upon one sixth of our population, as a true friend; and we see, in his open rebuke, the surest pledge of confidence in our love of truth and sense of justice. On the other hand, the violent attempts at preventing the free expression of sentiment on this great moral subject, by strangers or citizens - the lawless, shameless, and merciless proceedings against all who are convicted or suspected of nothing worse than a consistent adherence to the first principles of the Declaration of Independence, seem to us more criminal, when perpetrated or tolerated in this country, than in any other, simply because we have pledged our property, our lives, and our sacred honor,' to the support of the equal rights of all. Our Constitution has secured a government of law, freedom of conscience, the liberty of speaking and printing, to every citizen, nay, to every stranger sojourning amongst us. As citizens of the world, as members of the human family, as christians, we look upon every one as a fellow-citizen, as a neighbor, who defends the rights and respects the feelings of all men ; while he who does not see in every human being an equal and a brother, whether he be born here or elsewhere, he alone is regarded by us as a stranger and an enemy. And now, Mr. President, I come to the last topic of my resolution. I maintain, that, with regard to the Anti-Slavery cause, men and women have the same duties and the same rights. The ground I take on this point is very plain. I wish to spare you, I wish to spare myself the worthless and disgusting task of replying, in detail, to all the coarse attacks and flattering sophisms, by which men have endeavored to entice or to drive women from this, and from many other spheres of moral action. 'Go home and spin!' is the well meaning advice of the domestic tyrant of the old school. Conquer by personal charms and fashionable attractions!' is the brilliant career marked out for her by the idols and the idolaters of fashion. 'Never step out of the bounds of decorum and the customary ways of doing good,' is the sage advice of maternal caution. Rule by obedience, and by submission sway!' is the golden saying of the moralist poet, sanctioning female servitude, and pointing out a resort and compensation in female cunning. What with the fear of the insolent remarks about women, in which those of the dominant sex, whose bravery is the generous offspring of conscious impunity, are particularly apt to indulge; and with the still stronger fear of being thought unfeminine - it is, indeed, a proof of uncommon moral courage, or of an overpowering sense of religious duty and sympathy with the oppressed, that a woman is induced to embrace the unpopular, unfashionable, obnoxious principles of the abolitionists. Popular opinion, the habits of society, are all /calculated to lead women to consider the place, the privileges and the duties which etiquette has assigned to them, as their peculiar portion, as more important than those which nature has given them in common with men. Men have at all times been inclined to allow to women peculiar privileges, while withholding from them essential rights. In the progress of civilization and christianity, one right after another has been conceded, one occupation after another has been placed within the reach of women. Still are we far from a practical acknowledgment of the simple truth, that the rational and moral nature of man is the foundation of all

rights and duties, and that women as well as men are rational and moral beings. It is on this account that I look upon the formation of Ladies' Anti-Slavery Societies as an event of the highest interest, not only for its direct beneficial bearing on the cause of emancipation, but still more as an indication of the moral growth of society. Women begin to feel that the place, which men have marked out for them, is but a small part of what society owes to them, and what they themselves owe to society, to the whole human family, and to that Power to whom each and all are indebted and accountable, for the use of the powers entrusted to them. It is, indeed, a consoling thought, that such is the providential adaptation of all things, that the toil and the sufferings of the slave, however unprofitable to himself, and however hopeless, are not wholly thrown away and vain that the master who has deprived him of the fruits of his industry, of every motive and opportunity for exercising his highest faculties, has not been able to prevent his exercising, unconsciously, a moral and spiritual influence all over the world, breaking down every unnatural restraint, and calling forth the simplest and deepest of all human emotions, the feeling of man for his fellow man, and bringing out the strongest intellectual and moral powers to his rescue. It is, indeed, natural that the cry of misery, the call for help, that is now spreading far and wide, and penetrating the inmost recesses of society, should thrill, with peculiar power, through the heart of woman. For it is woman, injured, insulted woman, that exhibits the most baneful and hateful influences of slavery. But I cannot speak of what the free woman ought and must feel for her enslaved sister- because I am overwhelmed by the thought of what we men, we, who have mothers, and wives, and daughters, should not only feel but do, and dare, and sacrifice, to drain the marshes whose exhalations infect the moral atmosphere of society.

The remarks I have made in support of my resolution, may be summed up in a few words. The only object of the Anti-Slavery Societies, is to restore the slave to his natural rights. To promote this object, all human beings, white men and colored men, citizens and foreigners, men and women, have the same moral calling, simply because in virtue of a common rational and moral nature, all human beings are in duty bound, and divinely authorized, to defend their own and each others' natural rights.

Our rights, our duties, with regard to the oppressed, require and authorize the use of all lawful and moral means, to accomplish the great object of deliverance. As members of this Union, we are debarred all direct political influence with regard to the legal existence of slavery in other States. But slavery in the District of Colombia, and in the Territories, as well as the internal slave trade, are evils within the reach of our Federal Legislature, and, consequently, within the control and responsibility of every citizen of the Union.

The guilt of the existence of slavery within the bounds of the Federal legislation, rests upon every citizen who is not exerting himself to the utmost, by free discussion and petitions to Congress, that this cruel and disgraceful inconsistency may be removed. But the sphere of moral action is not confined within the limits of our political rights. The North is connected with the South by numerous relations, which may be made so many channels of influence on the minds and consciences of the slaveholders. There are family connections, commercial relations, political and religious interests, by which individuals of different States are brought in contact, and a continual intercourse is thus kept up between the free North and the slaveholding South. With all these means of private inter

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