vocate a gradual and remote emancipation on a plan to be suggested and controlled exclusively by the oppressors-eulogize as patriots and christians, those who hold the image of God as their property, and who trade in slaves and souls of men'-and attempt to reconcile slavery with the Bible which it banishes from four hundred thousand slave families;-and they will at once cease to be treated as outlaws, churches and halls will be gladly opened for their reception, applauses will be showered upon them by admiring assemblies, rewards will no longer be offered for their heads, lynch law will be repealed,' gentlemen of property and standing' will take them by the hand, they may travel at the north or the south without perilling their lives, smiles, caresses, congratulations will be substituted for tar and feathers, brick-bats and rotten eggs, the United States' mail will circulate safely, peace will be again restored to the bosom of the nation, and the Union be preserved in its integrity-even though they should flame vehemently against the foreign slave-trade, and stoutly reprobate slavery in the abstract!—Should this page meet the eyes of posterity, let it not be esteemed as an ingenious caricature, but as an exact delineation of the character of the American people in the year 1837.

PREJUDICE STILL RAMPANT.

In view of these things, what abolitionist talks of putting off his armor, under the delusive notion that

The battle is over-the victory won'?

It is true, much has been done to heal the alienation, long cherished and intense, arising from complexional differences. Thousands have thrown the cord of caste into the all-consuming fire of redeeming love. But, though the reptile Prejudice has received a severe wound, his throes are nevertheless terrific his eyes gleam with new malignity as he lifts himself up in coils, shakes his rattles, and endeavors to spring at his victim. As a general rule, our colored brethren are yet deliberately treated with contempt in the house of worship, and, if admitted at all, driven into obscure corners, as if they had no feelings to be

wounded, no souls to be saved. They are still deprived of their rights in the tavern, the stage-coach, the rail-car, and the steamboat, (except such as are slaves, who travel with their lordly masters! *)—so that in travelling, they are exposed to every indignity, great mental and physical suffering, and frequently subjected to great expense. Their treatment, in this particular, would be quite insupportable to any other people. Their laudable efforts to obtain knowledge are treated with derision, when not viewed with alarm; and their children are excluded from schools, academies and colleges, or are admitted only as an act of special favor, and on disgraceful conditions, except in a very few instances. The aggregate amount of suffering, reproach, mortification, and depression, which is experienced by them continually through the prevalence of the spirit of caste, is inconceivable.

MILLIONS YET IN BONDAGE-OUR OWN RIGHTS NOT SECURED.

Abolitionists may not, therefore, slumber at their post, or relax a single effort. It is true, a mighty change has been wrought in individual sentiment within the last five years, favorable to the rights of our colored countrymen; but public sentiment is still powerfully enlisted on the side of slavery. Since this Society was organized, probably not less than 800 anti-slavery associations have been formed in various sections of the country, -averaging one a day for the last two years, embodying many thousand members, distinguished for their philanthropy and moral worth. But still the appalling fact remains, that two millions and a half of American slaves are pining in ruthless bondage, from whom the Bible, the sanctity of marriage, personal protection, moral and intellectual cultivation, and compensation for uninitigated labor, are wrested in accordance with statutory law; -that fourteen States in this Union are slaveholding States ;that the seat of the National Government is the general rendezvous of slave-mongers, and the chosen abode of the Genius of American Despotism ;-that the domestic slave-trade is carried

*What an argument in favor of the benefits of a slavish condition!

on with increasing activity and terrible inhumanity, between the States; that no northern man, known as an abolitionist, can safely travel through the South, or reside therein in order to engage in business;-that the whole body of the clergy and churches at the South, and a large majority of them at the North, (if we may know them by their fruits,) are decidedly in favor of the doctrines, usages and policy of the South in regard to the slave system; and that an overwhelming majority of the representatives in Congress, as well those from the free as the slave States, are opposed to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.

It is evident, then, that the friends of liberty have yet a tremendous conflict to maintain with its enemies. Wherefore let them take unto themselves the whole armor of God, that they may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, TO STAND.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

The last Report was issued at too early a date to criticise the action of the last session of Congress upon the petitions for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. Hence, this is the first great topic, in course, which challenges attention in the present Report. Its importance cannot be overrated, because the existence of slavery in that District is indisputable and bloody proof that this is a slaveholding nation, inasmuch as Congress has a constitutional right to abolish it, and as a majority of the members of that body are from the free states; and because it is conceded, even by southern men, that the question which determines the fate of the system in the District, decides its fate in all the slave States. In presenting a petition from sundry inhabitants of Boston, Mr. WEBSTER remarked-Believing that Congress has constitutional power over slavery and the slave-trade in the District, I think petitions on those subjects, respectfully presented, ought to be respectfully treated and respectfully considered.' This is important authority. For uttering this belief, he was denounced

by Mr. KING of Alabama, who sneeringly remarked-' The course which that gentleman (Mr. WEBSTER) had taken, had placed him at the head of those men who inundated Congress with their petitions.'* It was a dignified retort of Mr. Webster-' By what authority does the gentleman say, that I have placed myself at the head of these petitioners? The gentleman cannot be allowed, sir, to assign to me any place, or any character, which I do not choose to take to myself.' But he would have made his fame imperishable, if he had replied with all sincerity- The post assigned to me by the gentleman from Alabama, though in his estimation contemptible, I regard as most honorable. It is nothing less than to be the WILBERFORCE Of America. I shrink from it, not with any feelings of timidity or scorn, but from sincere distrust of my own competency to fill it, and because there are others more worthy to wear the crown of philanthropy. But, whether first or last, at the head or in the rear, my voice, and vote, and influence, shall be unceasingly exerted to abolish that system, which transforms so large a portion of my countrymen into slaves, and which is bringing such infamy upon the character of my country.'

Mr. Hammond of S. C. said

He could not sit here, and see the rights of the southern people assaulted day after day, by the ignorant fanatics from whom these memorials proceeded. He could see no difference between abolition in the District and in the States.'

Mr. Preston said

'He regarded the concerted movement upon the District of Columbia as an attempt to storm the gates of the citadel-as throwing the bridge over the moat. The South must resist the danger in its inception, or it would soon become irresistible.'

Such testimony is of rare value, and should fill the breasts of abolitionists with high expectancy and triumphant assurance. A Senator from South Carolina discloses the fact, that the District of Columbia is the CITADEL' of American slavery; and that, unless its assailants are speedily defeated, THEY WILL

* i. e. at the head' of 'fanatics, incendiaries and madmen.' We now know what constitutes incendiariam, &c.

CONQUER IT. Henceforth, then, to the taunting interrogation of brutal and cowardly men- Why don't you go to the South be this our reply- Because we must first capture the "CITADEL"-and having thrown our bridge over the moat, we are now storming the gates, which must shortly yield if we persevere.' In vain shall we look for the abolition of slavery in the South, so long as the North is engaged in perpetuating it at the Seat of Government; and well may southern oppressors tremble at the thought of losing the example and countenance of the nation, in making merchandize of man. Such a loss would make them bankrupts in character; and with the verdict of public sentiment recorded against them as the worst of oppressors, they could not long outface the Spirit of Free

dom.

It is not within the scope of this Report to make a full exposure of the anti-republican doctrines, malicious accusations, idle threats, and gross absurdities, which are contained in the remarks of southern members of Congress, on the great question of HUMAN LIBERTY. Tyrants are ever bad logicians; and guilty men, when endeavoring to exculpate themselves, always confirm whatever evidence against them is merely circumstantial. The proposition, that man is an article of property, belongs to Bedlam; and nothing but the ravings of insanity can be expected from those who argue in the affirmative.

To show the utter inconsistency of the reasoning of southern men, on the subject of slavery, we place some of their conflicting sentiments in juxta-position:

TONE OF SECURITY.

Mr. Hammond-The people of the south do not ask or desire protection from this House, or from this Government. No, sir; on this subject, the South stands erect, self-confident, united, strong. She asks no protection (!!)—she scorns assistance, (!) and defies all opposition'!"The allegation of the abolitionists, that Blavery was dangerous to the peace of society, and that slaveholders lived in a continual state of alarm, he utterly denied, And contended that the South had less trouble with the slaves, than the North had with their free laborers. Among no

TONE OF ALARM.

Mr. Hammond-' He objected to the reception of the petitions, that it harassed, annoyed, and alarmed the people of the South; that it would render necessary the adoption, by the south, of a more severe and vigorous system of discipline.'

Mr. Preston-The question of abolition in this District and in the southern States is pressing upon us with a great and portentous rapidity. It is a falling body, and gathers strength as it falls. We cannot shut our eyes to the fact. The proceedings of the emancipators of the