people in the world were the affections of the heart more cherished and more gratified, than among the slaves of the South.' Mr. Thompson- As to discussing this subject before any human tribunal, I will not. I will not condescend to vindicate to this House, or elsewhere, this or any other of our domestic institutions. It is no affair of yours; you have no right to touch it, still less to demand a reason of us for its continuance'! As to any effort now or ever to accomplish their purposes, no one man at the South has any fears. No, sir, thank God, on this subject we are united, and our position is one of SECURITY, of IMPREGNABLE SAFETY.'— Sir, if I was satisfied with the language of the non-slaveholding gentleman, I was rejoiced in my heart and I was glad to listen to the manly and decided language of the gentleman from Georgia. It gave me assurance that, on this question, if no other, there will be a thorough union of the whole South, in council and in action, if need be, on this great and absorbing question.' Mr. Bouldin-Did any man ever hear or know of a nation of people that stood higher for any of the cardinal virtueshonor, truth, justice and charity, gentleness of heart and honesty, (!!!) than those who reside south of Mason's and Dixon's line? Was it thought that we should suffer by a comparison with the petitioners?' North are pregnant with danger rapidly approaching. The public pulse is bounding with the excitement, and the public mind is convulsed like the Pythoness upon the tripod. In England and in France, the developements of popular sentiment are all against us, and the rostrum is erected to declaim against the the enormity of our social institution. Do gentlemen say that this growing hostility can be speedily checked? Do they regard it as lightly as a summer cloud, as a slight popular breeze? Time may show how wofully mistaken they are.' 'He appealed to the highminded Senators from the North-to the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,) to devise some means, to suggest some plan, by which the just alarm of the South might be allayed.' Mr. Pickens-'We must prepare for the great contest, and contend over the graves of our fathers for our liberty (!) -or abandon our country to the blacks, and seek a dishonorable retreat in the wilds of the West.' Mr. Thompson- Nothing will satisfy the excited, the almost frenzied South, but an indignant rejection of these petitions.' 'I tell gentlernen, that they are walking in a magazine with a lighted torch in their hands. I am sure they are not aware of the true situation of the country as to this most delicate and dangerous subject.' Mr. Moore, (of Alab.)- Much excitement was naturally produced by these petitions throughout the south; so much so, that the several legislatures of the southern states, and among them his own State, (Alabama,) were passing resolu tions, calling on the other States to give them their aid in putting down those whose measures were so obnoxious to them.' Thus, in one breath, the South assistance, and defies all opposition protection, SOLICITS ASSISTANCE, and DEPRECATES OPPOSITION! Now she stands erect, self-confident, united, strong'-anon she is quaking with alarm, and turning deadly pale, and calling upon the North for succor, in view of certain petitions emanating from sundry fanatics and madmen'!Which of these frames of mind is the true one, is sufficiently evident. NORTHERN RECREANTS. It would be absurd to expect temperate language from the lips, or just treatment at the hands of southern representatives, in relation to the memorialists for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. It was therefore perfectly in character for Mr. Thompson of S. C. to exclaim- Who is it at the North that we are to conciliate ? The fanatics? Fanatics did I say, sir? Never before was so vile a band dignified with that name. They are murderers, Foul murderers, accessaries before the fact, and they know it, of murder, robbery, rape, infanticide.' Nor can it be a matter of much surprise, that Mr. Hammond of S. C. should speak of Dr. Channing in the following terms: He (Mr. H.) denied that Dr. Channing played a second part to O'Connell, in the abolition question-for he did not rise so high ;—he played a second part, and the meanest part, to Garrison and Thompson, and had degraded himself to the level of Arthur Tappan and Murell,' the famous landpirate. But, if Congress has constitutional power over slavery in the District—if a large majority of the representatives in Congress belong to the free States-and if the people of the free States are all opposed to slavery-in looking at the conduct of northern members, we may reasonably expect to find them heartily espousing the prayer of the memorialists, asking for liberty to the captives, the opening of prisons to those who are bound. What, then, was the language of Senator Hill, of New Hampshire? He contended that too much importance was given to the acts of the fanatics, and he denied that public opinion in the North was at all in favor of abolition. He did not believe there was one in five hundred in New Hampshire in its favor.' Mr. PIERCE of N. H. read the names of the signers to a petition from his own State. 'He stated that he was informed that most of them were children at school, and that some canting, hypocritical preacher had been round to the schools to get these signatures. He concluded by reiterating the declaration which he had formerly made, that the people of the White Hills were united in supporting the just rights of the South on this question.' That this last declaration of Mr. Pierce was substantially correct, is now demonstrated by the recent adoption of the following resolution by the House of Representatives of New Hampshire-Ayes 124, Noes 21: 'Resolved, That Congress cannot, without a violation of the public faith, abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless upon the request of the citizens of that District, and of the States by whom that territory was ceded to the General Government.' In the Senate, the vote stood Ayes 11, Noes 1. Mr. JARVIS, of Maine, offered the following resolution : 'Resolved, That in the opinion of this House, the subject of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ought not to be entertained by Congress; and be it further resolved, that in case any petition praying for said abolition be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate opinion of this House, that the same ought to be laid upon the table, without being referred or printed.' Mr. JARVIS said In his opinion, the House was bound to do all which it was necessary to do, to dissipate the fears, however groundless they may be, that Congress entertained any idea of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. A large majority of the States, and of the people of the North, were, he believed, averse to the exercise by Congress of any power over slavery in this District. Of other States it did not become him to speak so well as of his own- but the people of Maine, without distinction of party, reprobated the measures of the abolitionists, and of those also who sought to agitate the question, by urging the abolition of slavery in this District.' Mr. BEARDSLEY of New York said— There was no use in spending another day on this subject. If the petition was laid on the table, it would be nailed there, and every succeeding petition would be disposed of in the same way.' Mr. VANDERPOOL of New York said— "He was opposed, openly and unconditionally opposed, to the interference of Congress with slavery in the District of Columbia. He would always, and forever, while he had a seat here, oppose any measure that might directly or indirectly favor, or forward, or countenance the views and objects expressed by such petitions. Why not march directly to the point upon which all the true enemies of the abolitionists would agree? Refuse to consider the petitions, and you do what should be done, and that in the most prompt manner. It would be telling the petitioners, the nation, and the world, that the notions of the petitioners were so heretical, and their doings were so mischievous and incendiary, that co-instanti that such petitions were read, we would consign them to a grave from which there should be no resurrection.' Mr. HUNT of New York said 'If gentlemen will take the trouble to look at the proceedings of the District I have the honor to represent, they will see that on all occasions I have opposed the efforts which are termed, and by many thought to be, incendiary.' Mr. SUTHERLAND of Pa. said— 'He believed that there was no man in the House whose mind was more decided on this subject than his own. He lived in a State where slavery was formerly tolerated, and which had abolished slavery; and a State where all the projects of the abolitionists were utterly despised and disregarded; and he was prepared to go all lengths which honor and justice required in maintaining the rights of the South, and discountenancing the schemes of fanaticism.' Mr. INGERSOLL of Pa. said— 'He was opposed to meddling, either directly or indirectly, in any shape, with slavery in the District of Columbia, or elsewhere. We entered into a compact, when we formed the Constitution, not to meddle with it (!)-He would live up to the agreement, though the heavens fell. He would live by it, and die by it.' The importance of this subject must be the apology for these numerous extracts. They clearly show who are the defenders of the CITADEL' of American slavery, and upon whom rests the guilt of imbruting the image of God, and making merchandize of souls-the people of the Northern States! They also illustrate another point-and that is, if slavery is ever to be abolished in the District of Columbia, a very large portion of the present northern members of Congress MUST BE LEFT AT HOME, and better men, having hearts of flesh, sent in their stead, or else it will be a mockery any longer to petition. While, however, so large a majority of northern representatives were recreant to God and LIBERTY, it is with pride and pleasure we add, that the entire delegation from Massachusetts were found true to the rights of their constituents, as also those from Rhode Island and Vermont. Among those who deserve to be honorably mentioned, in this connexion, with special emphasis, are Messrs. Adams, Cushing, and Hoar, of this State, and Mr.. Slade of Vermont. NUMBER OF PETITIONERS. Mr. Pinckney represented the whole number of memorials, presented at the last session, to be 176-the number of signatures, a little rising 34,000, nearly 15,000 of whom were females. Not much reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of this representation. Probably not less than 500 memorials were forwarded, containing not less than 75,000 or 100,000 signa tures. It is not to be supposed that a Committee so hostile to the prayer of the petitioners, so desirous to make them a contemptible body, would condescend to count minutely and accurately the number of petitions and signatures, either for the sake of doing them justice, or revealing their real strength.Early in the session, it was estimated by Washington letterwriters, that not less than 300 petitions had been already forwarded; and it is certain that, so numerously did they continue to come in, the order of calling the States was reversed in the House, (in order to obstruct their presentation,) beginning with Michigan instead of Maine. Assuming, however, that the whole number of petitioners was 34,000, as stated by Mr. Pinckney, seldom has so large a number ever asked the action of Congress upon any subject whatever. We now come to the ACTION OF CONGRESS UPON THE PETITIONS. In the Senate, none of the petitions were referred. A memorial of the Caln Quarterly Meeting of the Society of Friends, |