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The Annual Report of the Board of Managers was now called for. Mr. Garrison rose and said, he should be able to read only a part of the Report to-day. There were several important topics on which he had as yet been able to write nothing, owing to severe physical indisposition.

After the reading of the Report

Mr. May moved, that the report, so far as submitted, be published under the supervision of the executive committee, as extensively as the funds of the society will permit. I ask that it may be published under the supervision of the executive committee, because it should go out as the act of the society; and because, for myself, there are one or two expressions to which I object. But, I by no means wish to detract from the spirit of the report. I thank our brother for setting us an example, how we shall go forth in this cause the ensuing year.

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Mr. President, it may seem to mere lookers on, in this matter, that this report has little to do with slavery. It is about the rights of the free. Little has been said, I know, about the slave. But why is this? Because we are not, ourselves, as we supposed, free. How can we stretch out our hands for the relief of the slave, if that hand is chained? How shall we plead his cause, if our lips are padlocked? Events have shown that it is even so with us. is then but a preliminary measure, in the cause of the enslaved, that we secure our own rights. The course of events has shown it to be a great principle of God's moral government, in the agitation of this subject, that no man can live to himself with impunity -no man can be free to himself, with impunity-no man can be be a slave to himself,-for in submitting to slavery, or in consenting to have it enforced upon any, he implicates the rights of others or of himself. We did not know it. But it is a principle in God's moral government. Thanks to his name, that he has so bound together parts of the human family. We have so long acquiesced in the enslavement of our brethren, that the yoke is even now almost fastened upon our own shoulders. But it cannot be fastened here! -Only let the people know their situation, and it will be like the green withs that bound Sampson. Our brother Garrison has done us a favor in thus exhibiting to us our situation. And I rejoice to find that this knowledge is spreading. I this morning took up a paper in Boston, by no means noted for its friendliness to this cause, [the Atlas,] in which I find the acknowledgement that things are just as Mr. Garrison has stated in his report.

We have been endeavoring for years to make our fellow citizens understand this; (one of the earliest and ablest anti-slavery publications, Mrs. Child's Appeal, contains a chapter in which this is fully exposed,) and now they are coming to see that what we have told them on this subject is true.

There is in the same paper an article on the right of petition, (in regard to which the rights of the people have been so outrageously assaulted by their representatives,) in which that right was exhibited in its true light. I hope it will be copied and published," in connexion with the proceedings of this meeting, as a concession of the principles for which we have been contending.

But let me, in this connexion, read part of a letter from that man, of whom scarcely too much can be said in his praise-I mean the Hon. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. [The extract not obtained.]

How in point is this letter! I read with emphasis one sentence. I repeat it. Nothing can be effected till the people shall be aroused to see and feel that the contest is for their own freedom, not less than for the liberty of the enslaved.' It is exactly in connexion with this, that I wish the exposition that brother Garrison has given of the present state of things, to go forth and spread through the land. It is not that he has forgotten the slave. That can never be while he lives. But that the people must be made to feel that their own rights are implicated. We cannot enjoy liberty, while multitudes in our country are trodden under foot. We cannot acquiesce in such a system of unrighteousness with impunity to ourselves. I thank God that we cannot. I hope the report just presented will be circulated as extensively as the funds of the society will admit, for it will do much to make the people see that we cannot enjoy freedom under a government that enforces slavery. We cannot think that the people of these United States cannot be rallied to maintain the right of petition, the freedom of speech and of the press. I believe it is only necessary for them to see just how these rights have been violated, to lead them to rally round our liberties. It is necessary that such a document as we have heard, should be sent all round the country. We are hearing from others smooth things-flattering words. In view of many in high places, there is nothing alarming in the state of our country. Even our Governor has told us, in his late thanksgiving proclamation, that the substantial elements of our prosperity are all unimpaired.' Did you notice this sentence in his Proclamation, Mr. President? If you did, I know you were shocked at it. But, Sir, the same sentiment has been uttered from a still higher place. You will find the same, (almost in the same words,) in our President's late annual message. We must not rely upon what the great men of the nation tell us. They prophesy falsely! The substantial elements of our prosperity are greatly impaired. It is only necessary for the people to see this, and they will fly to the rescue, and do what they may to repair them. Therefore I move that this Report be published, and be distributed far and wide.

The motion was unanimously agreed to.

H. G. Chapman, Esq., Treasurer, submitted his Report, which, being duly audited, was accepted.

Mr. Stanton announced that he happened to be in the Representatives' hall, this day, when the petition was presented for the use of the hall, for a meeting of this society on Friday evening. He said a motion was made to refer the motion to the committee on public buildings, which was lost, ayes 118, nays 156. Some, he supposed, voted for this resolution, expecting thereby to give the petition the go-by, and others, supposing it to be the proper course. On motion of Mr. Brown of Lynn, the use of the hall was voted by a large majority.

On motion, voted to adjourn to 3 o'clock in the afternoon.

WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON.

3 o'clock, P. M. The President in the chair.

Prayer by Rev. S. Lincoln, of Gardner. A. A. Phelps from the Committee to nominate officers for the year ensuing, made a report, which was accepted, and the gentlemen elected.

On motion, the following gentlemen were appointed a committee on finance-viz. S. J. May, J. E. Fuller, H. G. Chapman, W. Bassett, and A. St. Clair.

Mr. Phelps submitted a series of resolutions on the subject of the Congressional gag-resolution of Dec. 21st, as follows:

CONGRESSIONAL GAG-LAW.

Resolved, That the resolution adopted in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 21st of December last, whereby all memorials, petitions and papers, touching the abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling, or transfer of slaves in any State, territory or district of the United States, are laid on the table, without reading, reference, or printing, is a virtual denial of the sacred right of petition, a gross insult to the people, and a daring violation of the American Constitution.

Resolved, That the adoption of such a resolution furnishes fresh evidence of the awful degeneracy of this nation, and a startling exhibition of the nature and spirit of slavery-a system which denies to its wretched victims the right to pray for relief, and then tramples on the solemn provisions of the Constitution, in order to enforce silence upon freemen.

Resolved, That those representatives from the free States, who voted for that resolution, have proved themselves recreant to their high trust, and deserve the reprobation, not only of their constituents, whose rights they have so grossly betrayed, but of the friends of freedom and free institutions throughout the world.

Resolved, That JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, in declaring in his place that the resolution in question was unconstitutional, and a viola

tion of the right.of speech and debate, has furnished an example. of moral courage and heroic firmness in defence of the people's rights, which entitles him to the warmest thanks of every friend of liberty; and that those representatives who voted against the resolution are entitled to our cordial approbation for resisting a measure fraught with such direful consequences to the country.

Resolved, That the question which this resolution presents to the people of the free states is a question of liberty or slavery for themselves and their posterity-that on such a question there can be no neutrality, no middle ground-and that it is the solemn and imperious duty of the people, without distinction of sect, party or sex, to send in their united remonstrances against it, and to call upon their representatives, in a firm and decided tone, and in the name of all that is sacred in human liberty, IMMEDIATELY TO RESCIND IT.

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Resolved, That the threat recently uttered on the floor of the United States Senate, by Mr. Preston of South Carolina, that the citizens of that State, in spite of the interference of all the governments on earth, will HANG' every northern freeman who believes in the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, and whom they can catch' within their borders, was a gross insult to the people of the Free States, and affords a striking exhibition of that spirit of ruffianism and murder which is inseparable from slavery.

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Resolved, That Northern Senators, in suffering that threat to pass unrebuked, have manifested a spirit of pusillanimity derogatory to their character as men, and to their station as the representatives of freemen; and that they are themselves deserving of the stern rebuke of their insulted constituents.

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions, signed by the President and Secretary of this Society, be sent to every member of the Senate of the United States.

The foregoing resolutions were discussed at length by Messrs. Phelps, Stanton, Harris, &c. In the course of Mr. Harris's remarks, some of which were extremely ridiculous, there was much laughter and confusion; and as it was thought that there was a disposition, on the part of some individuals, to laugh or hiss him down, on motion of Mr. May, the following resolution was passed:

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That, as abolitionists, we repudiate any attempt on the part of any one, to hiss or put down any man, because he utters sentiments in our meetings which do not accord with our own.'

The resolutions were laid on the table till the evening, and the Society then adjourned to 6 1-2 o'clock.

WEDNESDAY EVENING.

Society met agreeably to adjournment, the President in the chair. Prayer by Rev. C. T. Torrey, of Salem.

Congressional gag-law' being the order of the evening, the resolutions on that subject were debated by Messrs. A. A. Phelps, N. Colver, J. W. Browne, W. Phillips, Mr. Mack, O. Johnson and C. P. Grosvenor, and then unanimously adopted.

The committee then submitted a resolution, in reference to the definition of republican liberty, in a recent sermon of Rev. H. Winslow, of this city, which, after some debate, was laid upon the table to be taken up at the next session; and the Society adjourned to meet at the same place, Thursday, at 3 o'clock, P. M.

THURSDAY AFTERNOON.

Meeting called to order by the President.

Prayer by Rev. George Goodyear, of Ashburnham.

The resolutions in reference to Hubbard Winslow's 'republican liberty' was called up; and was discussed by Messrs. Scott, Allen, Phelps, May, Horton, Colver, Toothaker, and Torrey; and then adopted with but two dissenting votes, as follows:

Resolved, That the doctrine recently promulgated by the Rev. Hubbard Winslow, a popular preacher in the city of Boston, and echoed from the presses with commendation, that 'Republican liberty is only the liberty to say and do what the prevailing voice and will of the brotherhood will allow and protect,' is a sentiment that deserves the execration of all who mean to preserve their civil or religious freedom. It is a sentiment, which, should it be disseminated, until it becomes the public opinion of our country, would leave us little more liberty of speech than the slaves themselves enjoy; who are doubtless free to speak as their masters please.

Resolved, That it is the inestimable right of the minority, however small, ay, of a single individual, however humble, to utter any thought he may deem important-to speak as pleases himself - being amenable, as a man, in the first instance, to the higher laws of conscience and God, which should restrain him from all abuse of so high a right; and in the second place, as a citizen, to constitutional laws-and that the doctrine referred to goes to dethrone God from his moral government, inasmuch as it substitutes the will of the human brotherhood for the eternal principles of truth and righteousness.

Adjourned to 1-2 past 6 o'clock.

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