should be free with regard to their respective productions, yet, that we are not bound to admit the importation of West India commodities into Great Britain in American vessels. Believe me, Gentlemen, that this restriction does not proceed from any invidious disposition towards the American States. It is imposed by indispensable prudence and necessity upon the British Ministers, who, in the present state of things, could not be justified to their own country, to go hastily to a larger extent of concession. This point is not to be looked upon merely as commercial, but as affecting fundamentally the great political system of British navigation; and you are to consider, that the principle, upon which the whole of our proposed temporary convention is to stand, is, that the commerce between the two countries is to be revived nearly upon the old footing; but that each nation is to keep in its own hands, the power of making such regulations respecting navigation, as shall seem fit. I assure you, that this point has been discussed by the Ministers of the British cabinet with infinite candor, and with every possible disposition of amity and favor towards your country; but the more they have inquired upon this subject, the more they are overborne by conviction, that the prejudices upon this matter (if that be the name these opinions deserve) are so strong, that such a measure as a relaxation of the act of navigation, in this instance, never can be taken, but upon such a full and solemn Parliamentary inquiry, as it is impossible to go into at this time of the year, and in this stage of the session. I cannot, therefore, Gentlemen, help flattering myself, that you, who are so well acquainted with difficulties, which must embarrass an English administration in a business of

crease them; and I am sure, that such a plan, on your part, would ultimately be most conducive to your own objects. When an amicable intercourse is once opened, and when conciliatory confidence comes to take place of those jealousies, which have lately subsisted, you may easily conceive in how different a manner the whole of this matter will be considered. I am confident that this will be the case, but if it is not, the provisions being only temporary, it will be in the power of the United States, to take up any hostile mode of proceeding, by restraints and prohibitions, &c. whenever they may think fit.

I have made use above of the word prejudices in speaking of the principles of the British act of navigation. I hope you will accept that term from me, as proceeding so far in compliance towards the future consideration of the points now between us, as to keep the question open and free for discussion. If Great Britain should, in any case, throw down the barriers of her act of navigation towards America, she should be very secure against the possible case of future enmity, or alliance against her. Such considerations as these, lead to objects far beyond our present scope or powers. But I must still add one word more upon this article of prejudices. Such prejudices (if they are so) are not confined to Great Britain. By your commercial treaty with France, Article 4th, you are only entitled to an European trade with that kingdom, and not, even by that treaty, to any direct commerce between their West India Islands and the ports of the American States; much less to the immediate communication between the French Islands and the dominions of the Crown of France in Europe. Every public proceeding in England, since the commencement of our present negotiation for opening

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the intercourse and commerce between our two countries, will, I am sure, support me in saying, that we have very liberally taken the lead; that we have not waited for any assurance of reciprocity, but have given orders for almost a universal admission of American articles, before we even know that any vessel from Great Britain will find admission into any American ports. What do we ask in return? No more than this; that while we, gratuitously, and without stipulation, give advantages and favors to the American States, which we deny to all other nations, they would so far justify our liberal way of proceeding, as to receive us in the same manner as other nations, which are foreign, and to permit us to carry to North America, what it is evidently for their interest that we should carry thither.

1

I need hardly add, that it is of infinite importance, that some temporary convention should be finished without loss of time. I hope and trust that we shall not find much more difficulty in this business. You must see the advantage of an immediate renewal of intercourse, and from the candor of your dispositions, I am sure you must likewise be convinced, that to give us some facility in the outset, is the sure road to such an equitable arrangement for the future, as you must have at heart. The reasons, which I have given in the Memorial appear to me to be cogent and convincing, upon the natural alliance between our two countries. And when the intercourse has once begun, everything will go in its natural road. It is, therefore, of infinite consequence to begin that intercourse. Great Britain, by all public proceedings of repeals, proclamations, &c. &c. has made the first advances, with warmth

assurance, that you will meet those advances with cordial

reciprocity.

I have the honor to be, &c.

D. HARTLEY.

DAVID HARTLEY'S MEMORIAL TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

The proposition, which has been made for a universal and unlimited reciprocity of intercourse and commerce, between Great Britain and the American United States, requires a very serious consideration on the part of Great Britain, for the reasons already stated in a Memorial, dated May 19th, 1783, and for many other reasons, which in the future discussion of the proposition will appear. To the American States, likewise, it is a matter of the deepest importance, not only as a proposition of commercial intercourse, which is the least part, but most principally, as a political basis and guarantee for their newly established constitutions. The introduction of British interests into a communiou of intercourse, will bring forward a universal guarantee on the part of Great Britain, in the future progress of political events, which may affect the United States of America in their national capacity. The proposition is fertile in future prospects to Great Britain; and America also may wisely see in it a solid foundation for herself.

All circumstances are most fortunately disposed between Great Britain and the American States, to render them useful friends and allies to each other, with a higher degree of suitableness between themselves than any other nations can pretend to. France cannot interchange reci

the intercourse and commerce between our two countries, will, I am sure, support me in saying, that we have very liberally taken the lead; that we have not waited for any assurance of reciprocity, but have given orders for almost a universal admission of American articles, before we even know that any vessel from Great Britain will find admission into any American ports. What do we ask in return? No more than this; that while we, gratuitously, and without stipulation, give advantages and favors to the American States, which we deny to all other nations, they would so far justify our liberal way of proceeding, as to receive us in the same manner as other nations, which are foreign, and to permit us to carry to North America, what it is evidently for their interest that we should carry thither.

I need hardly add, that it is of infinite importance, that some temporary convention should be finished without loss of time. I hope and trust that we shall not find much more difficulty in this business. You must see the advantage of an immediate renewal of intercourse, and from the candor of your dispositions, I am sure you must likewise be convinced, that to give us some facility in the outset, is the sure road to such an equitable arrangement for the future, as you must have at heart. The reasons, which I have given in the Memorial appear to me to be cogent and convincing, upon the natural alliance between our two countries. And when the intercourse has once begun, everything will go in its natural road. It is, therefore, of infinite consequence to begin that intercourse. Great Britain, by all public proceedings of repeals, proclamations, &c. &c. has made the first advances, with warmth