undoubtedly be found to have many commodious qualities for participation in commerce; but the permanent faculties necessary to constitute a firm and permanent ally to the American States, will be found deficient in them.

As to the Italian States, or any other powers in the Mediterranean, they are certainly not adequate to any competition of political alliance with the rising States of America. They will also form very commodious links and connexions in the general circuit of commerce; but beyond these considerations, they have no share in the present question. The several States in the Germanic body are in the same predicament.

As to the Northern powers, viz. those in the Baltic, they are not favored either by vicinity, or climate, for a frequent or facile intercourse of commerce with America. And even respecting several material articles of commerce, jealousies and competitions might arise. As to political alliances, there are no such in prospect from them to the American States. Even if there were any superfluity of force in any of them beyond the necessities of their respective domestic situations, the extreme distance would be conclusive against any possible application of such power, as a political alliance favorable to the establishment and conformnation of the American States.

The only maritime state on the continent of Europe remaining to be discussed, as a competent candidate for commerce, or connexion with America, is the Republic of the United Netherlands, commonly called Holland. In respect to American commerce, the Dutch have among themselves every facility combined, which the separate States of Europe possess distinctly in their own concerns,

merce, may even carry them so far, as to make them rivals to the Americans themselves, in the transportation of European merchandise to América. These faculties of commerce would have been of infinite importance to the American States, if the war had continued between Great Britain and them. But upon the event of peace, it becomes a matter of the most perfect indifference to America, whether each European State navigates its own commerce into the ports of America, which will open to all, or whether the commercial faculties of Holland enable her to exceed in rivalship her European neighbors, and thereby to navigate European goods to America beyond the proportion of her national share. The faculties of a nation. of carriers may be fortunate for the marine of that nation; but considered in themselves, and with respect to other nations, they are but secondaries in commerce. They give no ground of reciprocities, or participation. That one nation should say to another, you shall navigate all our rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places, if we may do the same in yours, is a proposition of reciprocity; but that Holland should say to America, we will bring European goods to you, or you may be your own carriers, is neither concession nor reciprocity. Holland is not a nation of rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places, for the distribution of goods and manufactures for internal consumption, and, therefore, her reciprocities must be very scanty. Holland is the market-place of Europe, and the Dutch seamen are the carriers appertaining to that market-place. The admission of American ships to that market-place, freely to import and to export, is, undoubtedly, an act of reciprocity on the part of Holland as far as it goes, but in no degree

adequate to the unlimited participation of American commerce throughout the rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places of that vast continent. The commercial reciprocities of Holland, therefore, being inferior, on her part, towards America, the next point of view in which Holland is to be considered, as relevant to this question, is, as a nation of power, capable of becoming an effectual and permanent ally and guarantee to the American States, for that is the great object, which America, as a wise nation, recently arisen into independence, ought to keep in view. Holland has certainly been a nation of great and celebrated naval force. She remains so still; but having for many years suspended her exertions of force, and having directed the faculties of her people into the commercial line, she seems not to have any superfluity of force beyond the necessity of providing for her own security; and, certainly, no such redundance of power, as to extend to the protection of distant nations, as allies or guarantees. It appears, therefore, upon the whole of this argument, that Holland, although a commercial nation, cannot even interchange commercial reciprocities with America upon an equal footing, and that her faculties of force are inadequate to those, which America ought to expect in the permanent allies and guarantees of her country.

The independence of the American States being established, their first consideration ought to be, to determine with what friendships and alliances they will enter into the new world of nations. They will look round them, and cast about for some natural, permanent, and powerful ally, with whom they may interchange all cementing reciprocities, both commercial and political. If such an ally be to

least, it is certain, that, in looking round Europe, no other is to be found. There is no inherent impossibility to prevent such a connexion from taking place; it must depend on the free will and common interest of the parties. There are all possible faculties on both sides, to give and to receive all adequate and beneficial reciprocities, which are practicable and more likely to be permanent between independent parties, than between two parties, of which one is dependent on the other. Great Britain is, undoubtedly, the first of European nations, in riches, credit, faculties, industry, commerce, manufactures, internal consumption, and foreign export, together with civil liberty, which is the source of all, and naval power, which is the support of all. The dominions appertaining to the Crown of Great Britain are large and fertile; its Colonies still extensive, and in close vicinity to the American States, Great Britain being an American, as well as an European power, and all her empire connected by her naval force.

The territories of the American States, from the Atlantic ocean to the Mississippi, contain an inexhaustible source of riches, industry, and future power. These will be the foundations of great events in the new page of life. Infinite good, or infinite evil, may arise according to the principles upon which the intercourse between Great Britain and America shall be arranged in its foundation. Great Britain and America must be still inseparable, either as friends or foes. This is an awful and important truth. These are considerations not to be thought of slightly; not to be prejudged in passion, nor the arrangements of them to be hastily foreclosed. Time given for considera⚫tion may have excellent effects on both sides. The pause

dispassionate inquiry, can alone decide these important events, or do justice to the anxious expectations of Great Britain and America.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Gentlemen,

Philadelphia, June 16th, 1783.

I am sorry to inform you, that by the resignation of Mr Livingston as Minister for Foreign Affairs, it has become necessary that you should receive the resolutions of Congress, relative to your mission through my hands. The disadvantage arising from this necessity, until a successor to that worthy gentleman is appointed, will be yours, as it is impossible for me to do more than barely to transmit the acts of Congress necessary for your information.

Enclosed you have one of the 1st of May last, and another of the 12th instant, which I hope will get safe to hand time enough for your government. The commission and instructions referred to in the first, not being ready, it was thought best to forward the resolution without delay, that you might know what was intended in the present important period of your negotiation. We have been much surprised, that we have not received any communications from you since the cessation of hostilities, except a letter of the 5th of April, from Mr Laurens.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ELIAS BOUDINOT, President.