TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 1st, 1780.

The Governors of the West India Islands express a wish, that Congress would be pleased to take into consideration the various inconveniences resulting from the abuse by the English of the papers, which they find on board of the American prizes, which fall into their hands. They make use of these papers to enable themselves to commit the most daring actions, and it is the more difficult to prevent them, as they sometimes have subjects of the United States on board, and as the English language is spoken by them in common with our allies.

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, has the honor to propose to Congress, that henceforth every Captain bound to the French Colonies shall sign his own papers in presence of the Commissioners of the American Admiralty, in order that, on his arrival in the French Islands, it may be ascertained whether this signature be the same as that which shall be made by him as Captain of the American vessel. It would be of equal use to endorse the signature of the Captain on the papers. If Congress think of any other form equally adapted to fulfil the object desired, the undersigned will endeavor to have it adopted by the Governors of the French Islands.

LUZERNE.

FROM CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States of America in Congress assembled, to their Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally,

Persuaded of your Majesty's friendship, and of your earnest desire to prosecute the war with glory and advantage to the alliance, we ought not to conceal from your Majesty the embarrassments, which have attended our national affairs, and rendered the last campaign unsuccessful.

A naval superiority in the American seas having enabled the enemy, in the midst of the last winter, to divide their army, and extend the war in the Southern States, Charleston was subdued before a sufficient force could be assembled for its relief.

With unabated ardor, and at a vast expense, we prepared for the succeeding campaign; a campaign from which, in a dependence on the co-operation of the squadron and troops generously destined by your Majesty for our assistance, we had formed the highest expectations. Again the enemy frustrated our meas

ures.

Your Majesty's succors were confined within the harbor of Newport, while the main body of the British army took refuge in their fortresses, and under protection of their marine, declining to hazard a battle in the open field; and regardless of their rank among civilized nations, they descended to wage a predatory

on our northern and western frontiers, and marked their progress with blood and desolation.

The acquisition of Charleston, with the advantages gained in Georgia, and the defeat of a small army composed chiefly of militia, which had been hastily collected to check their operations, encouraged the British commander in that quarter to penetrate through South Carolina into the interior parts of North Carolina. And the ordinary calamities of war were embittered by implacable vengeance. They did not, however, long enjoy their triumph. Instead of being depressed, impending danger served only to rouse our citizens to correspondent exertions; and by a series of gallant and successful enterprises they compelled the enemy to retreat with precipitation and disgrace.

They seem, however, resolved by all possible efforts, not only to retain their posts in Georgia and South Carolina, but to renew their attempts on North Carolina. To divert the reinforcements destined for those States, they are now executing an enterprise against the seacoast of Virginia; and from their preparations at New York and intelligence from Europe, it is manifest that the four southern States will now become a principal object of their hostilities.

It is the voice of the people and the resolution of Congress to prosecute the war with redoubled vigor, and to draw into the field a permanent and well appointed army of thirtyfive thousand regular troops. By this decisive effort we trust that we shall be able, under the divine blessing, so effectually to co-operate with your Majesty's marine and land forces, as to

the great object of the alliance perpetual. But to accomplish an enterprise of such magnitude, and so interesting to both nations, whatever may be our spirit and our exertions, we know that our internal resources must prove incompetent. The sincerity of this declaration will be manifest from a short review of our circumstances.

Unpractised in military arts, and unprepared with the means of defence, we were suddenly invaded by a formidable and vindictive nation. We supported the unequal conflict for years with very little foreign aid, but what was derived from your Majesty's generous friendship. Exertions uncommon, even among the most wealthy and best established governments, necessarily exhausted our finances, plunged us into debt, and anticipated our taxes; while the depredations of an active enemy by sea and land made deep impressions on our commerce and our productions. Thus encompassed with difficulties, in our representation to your Majesty of June 15, 1779, we disclosed our wants, and requested your Majesty to furnish us with clothing, arms, and ammunition for the last campaign, on the credit of the United States. We entertain a lively sense of your Majesty's friendly disposition, in enabling our Minister to procure a part of those supplies, of which, through unfortunate events, a very small proportion has arrived. The sufferings of our army from this disappointment have been so severe, that we must rely on your Majesty's attention to our welfare for effectual assistance. The articles of the estimate transmitted to our Minister are essential to our army, and we flatter ourselves, that through your Majesty's interposition they will be supplied.

on our northern and western frontiers, and marked their progress with blood and desolation.

The acquisition of Charleston, with the advantages gained in Georgia, and the defeat of a small army composed chiefly of militia, which had been hastily collected to check their operations, encouraged the British commander in that quarter to penetrate through South Carolina into the interior parts of North Carolina. And the ordinary calamities of war were embittered by implacable vengeance. They did not, however, long enjoy their triumph. Instead of being depressed, impending danger served only to rouse our citizens to correspondent exertions; and by a series of gallant and successful enterprises they compelled the enemy to retreat with precipitation and disgrace.

They seem, however, resolved by all possible efforts, not only to retain their posts in Georgia and South Carolina, but to renew their attempts on North Carolina. To divert the reinforcements destined for those States, they are now executing an enterprise against the seacoast of Virginia; and from their preparations at New York and intelligence from Europe, it is manifest that the four southern States will now become a principal object of their hostilities.

It is the voice of the people and the resolution of Congress to prosecute the war with redoubled vigor, and to draw into the field a permanent and well appointed army of thirtyfive thousand regular troops. By this decisive effort we trust that we shall be able, under the divine blessing, so effectually to co-operate with your Majesty's marine and land forces, as to